Byrds, Planes, and an Automobile

One of the men with whom the truth may lie, concerning the JFK assassination's links to the University of Texas, was one of UT's most ardent supporters who happened to own the building that has become synonymous with the assassination. His ties to UT are well known. His numerous ties to the assassination are lesser known. One of his least known ties, it appears, is to the UT Rambler.

Somewhat like the plot to assassinate Trotsky and most unlike the failed assassination conspiracy against Hitler in which Allen Dulles and Mary Bancroft participated, the plot to assassinate President Kennedy seems to have been sophisticated, intricate, and meticulously planned. It can be presumed therefore that, as researcher William Weston has written, "One of the most critical elements of this plot was the Texas School Book Depository." In addition to both the circumstances of Oswald's employment at the TSBD, and the routing of the motorcade by the building, Weston points out that there would have been a need for a team of plotters to make detailed plans inside the building well in advance of November 22, including firing angles, planting of false evidence, and getaway plans. This could have been done, Weston says, by six TSBD employees assigned to lay new flooring on the fifth and sixth floors from late October until November 22.298 It is a plausible argument, which brings up the concern that any long-term improvement to the property such as a flooring project would have to have been of interest to, if not directly initiated and contracted by, the building's owner.

Roy Truly, the "superintendent" who hired Oswald was "a building manager."299 In a story published the day after the assassination, Dallas Morning News reporter Kent Biffle referred to Roy Truly as "Superintendent of the textbook building...."300 The floor crew was supervised directly by William Shelly, "the assistant manager who was in charge of the floor laying project."301 These titles imply that they were building managers more closely associated with the landlord than with the private textbook brokerage firm which leased the building.302 The employment of these individuals would seem to be a relatively easy fact for researchers verify.

Weston writes, "The electrical power for the whole building and even the telephone stopped working about five minutes prior to the assassination.303 How two such entirely different systems as the electricity and the phones could go out simultaneously is beyond explanation, unless one can assume that the interruption was deliberate."304 Although this claim is currently in dispute, it cannot be denied that the conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy would have involved intimate knowledge of the TSBD building. Truly and Shelly were possibly employed to some extent by the building's landlord, David Harold Byrd.

Dallas oilman David Harold Byrd, born April 24, 1900, was the cousin of Admiral Richard E. Byrd and his brother, Senator Harry F. Byrd, "the leader of conservative opinion in the United States."305 D.H. Byrd owned the Texas School Book Depository building from the 1930s to the 1970s. In May 1964, he had the "Oswald window" removed and kept it as part of his estate.306 In 1972, after Byrd sold the building to Mr. Aubrey Mayhew, an arsonist set it on fire. It was saved, however. Shortly thereafter Mayhew defaulted on his payments to Republic National Bank of Dallas307 and the property reverted to the Byrd family.308 In 1975 Byrd sold it again.309

Byrd had a close relationship with both Lyndon Johnson and John Connally. Evidently not satisfied with being the cousin of a powerful and respected U.S. senator,310 for D.H. Byrd, "Another goal was to reach a rapport with the politicians who ran things, especially at the seat of state government in Austin....Sam Rayburn, Morrie Sheppard, John Connally, and Lyndon Johnson on the national scene were to become men I could go to any time that I wanted action, and so were a succession of Texas governors. Among the ablest was John Connally...who says he's in my debt for pleading his cause... with...Ida Nell (Nellie) Brill, Sweetheart of The University of Texas in 1940...."311

Byrd probably also knew George de Mohrenschildt, David Atlee Phillips and George Bush through the Dallas Petroleum Club.312 In 1945, future club member de Mohrenschildt obtained a masters degree in petroleum engineering after eighteen months at the University of Texas at Austin.313 During that year he was investigated by the FBI and ONI.

That same year he worked under Warren W. Smith, president of Pantipec Oil, owned by the parents of William F. Buckley, Jr. Smith and de Mohrenschildt soon quit and formed the Cuban-Venezuelan Oil Voting Trust Company. When Castro took over, this company forfeited oil leases covering about half of Cuba. Jack Crichton of Army Intelligence Reserve Service, mentioned earlier, had also worked under Warren Smith at Pantipec, which sells to Sun Oil.314 By 1957, George de Mohrenschildt had established himself in oil ventures ranging from wildcat drilling to aerial surveillance and had begun working for the CIA.315

It is probable that Byrd knew David Ferrie and he definitely knew the very top Air Force brass through Civil Air Patrol (CAP). CAP Captain David Ferrie was CAP cadet Lee Harvey Oswald's trainer.316

Byrd was a co-founder of Civil Air Patrol. Displayed in his office, at 1110 Tower Petroleum Building in Dallas, were many pictures of himself in uniform with aviation dignitaries and Air Force Generals.317 He was an aviation buff but could not become a fighter pilot because his eyesight was bad.318 He co-founded CAP six days before Pearl Harbor.319 After World War II he spearheaded the establishment of the Cadet Program in CAP and contributed many scholarships to its cadets.320 In Dallas on May 24, 1963, the U.S. Air Force presented to Byrd its Scroll of Appreciation, which reads:

For rendering meritorious service to the United States Air Force from Dec. 1941 to April, 1960. Motivated by a strong sense of patriotism, Mr. Byrd played a major part in the successful operation of the Texas Wing, Civil Air Patrol, throughout World War II. After the war he assisted in the incorporation of the Civil Air Patrol and its designation as an Auxiliary of the Air Force. Mr. Byrd helped initiate the International Air Cadet Exchange and worked closely with the Air Cadet League of Canada. The many scholarships established or supported by Mr. Byrd have aided countless cadets in the attainment of additional training and higher education. His contributions of material and personal aircraft to the use of Civil Air Patrol materially aided in the performance of its mission.. The distinctive accomplishments of Mr. Byrd have earned for him the sincere gratitude of the United States Air Force.

(Signed) - Curtis E. Le May
Chief of Staff
(Signed) - Eugene M. Zuckert
Secretary of the Air Force321

D.H. Byrd counted among his close friends one of the most famous aviators, General Jimmy Doolittle.322 Byrd and Doolittle were hunting buddies. Of Doolittle he wrote, "Having a fondness for being Number One in all my undertakings, it doesn't come naturally for me to confess that Doolittle is the one man whom I would gladly serve in any venture as Number Two."323 On one intriguing trip without Doolittle, Byrd went hunting in central Africa in November and December 1963. It was his first such trip of five during his lifetime outside of the U.S., Mexico, and Canada.324

Byrd prepared well for the trip: Temco, Inc. was an aircraft company founded by D.H. Byrd and which later merged with his friend James Ling's electronics company (1960), and aircraft manufacturer Chance Vought Corporation (1961) to form Ling-Temco-Vought (LTV). Byrd became a director325 of LTV and bought, along with Ling, 132,000 shares of LTV in November 1963.326 Byrd then left the country to go on his two-month safari in central Africa. He returned in January to find his good friend Lyndon Johnson president of the United States, his building famous, and a large defense contract awarded to LTV to build fighter planes -- to be paid for out of the 1965 budget which had not yet been approved by Congress.327

Mac Wallace, who received a five-year suspended sentence in the shooting death of John Douglas Kiner in Austin on October 22, 1951, went to work for Temco, Inc. of Garland, Texas five months after his trial. He remained in that position until February 1961, four months before Henry Marshall's mysterious death on June 3, 1961, when he transferred to the Anaheim, California offices of LTV.328

The transfer required a background check by the Navy. "The most intriguing part of the Wallace case was how a convicted murderer was able to get a job with defense contractors. Better yet, how was he able to get a security clearance? Clinton Peoples [the Texas Ranger Captain who investigated the Marshall and Kiner murders]329 reported that when the original security clearance was granted, he asked the Naval intelligence officer handling the case how such a person could get the clearance. `Politics,' the man replied. When Peoples asked who would have that much power, the simple answer was, `the vice president,' who at the time was Lyndon Johnson. Years later, after the story broke [of Billie Sol Estes' March 20, 1984 testimony that implicated Lyndon Johnson, Malcom Wallace, and Clifton Carter in the death of Henry Marshall], that investigator could not recall the conversation with Peoples but he did say no one forced him to write a favorable report. He also added that he wasn't the one that made the decision to grant the clearance. The whole matter might have been solved with a peek at that original report but unfortunately, when the files were checked, that particular report was suspiciously missing. It has never been seen since."330

Wallace was transferred and given clearance in February 1961. "In January 1961, the very month Johnson was sworn in as vice president, and the month Henry Marshall was in Dallas discussing how to combat Estes-like scams, Billie Sol Estes learned through his contacts that the USDA was investigating the allotment scheme and that Henry Marshall might end up testifying. The situation was supposedly discussed by Estes, Johnson, and Carter in the backyard of LBJ's Washington home. Johnson was, according to Estes, alarmed that if Marshall started talking it might result in an investigation that would implicate the vice president. At first it was decided to have Marshall transferred to Washington, but when told Marshall had already refused such a relocation, LBJ, according to Estes, said simply, `Then we'll have to get rid of him.'"331

According to Craig Zirbel, author of The Texas Connection, in May 1962, "...Johnson flew to Dallas aboard a military jet to privately meet with Estes and his lawyers on a plane parked away from the terminal....This incident would probably have remained secret except that LBJ's plane suffered a mishap in landing at Dallas. When investigative reporters attempted to obtain the tower records for the flight mishap the records were "sealed by government order."332

Still more LTV intrigues were revealed by Peter Dale Scott: "A fellow-director of [Jack Alston] Crichton's333 firm of Dorchester Gas Producing was D.H. Byrd, an oil associate of Sid Richardson and Clint Murchison, and the LTV director who teamed up with James Ling to buy 132,000 shares of LTV in November 1963. While waiting to be sworn in as President in Dallas on November 22, Johnson spoke by telephone with J.W. Bullion, a member of the Dallas law firm (Thompson, Wright, Knight, and Simmons) which had the legal account for Dorchester Gas Producing and was represented on its board. The senior partner of the law firm, Dwight L. Simmons, had until 1960 sat on the board of Chance Vought Aircraft, a predecessor of Ling-Temco-Vought. One week after the assassination, Johnson named Bullion, who has been described as his `business friend and lawyer,' to be one of the two trustees handling the affairs of the former LBJ Co. while its owner was President."334

Another appreciative friend of Byrd's was Arthur Andrew Collins, the founder of the Collins Radio Company. Byrd, along with John D. Rockefeller, Jr., was a financier of his cousin Admiral Richard E. Byrd's polar expeditions by air. A mountain range at the South Pole is named the Harold Byrd Mountains in his honor.335 Some of that money went for the purchase of radio equipment and technical support from Arthur Collins. The 1933 expedition was the first big break for the young Collins Radio Company of Cedar Rapids Iowa.336

In May 1951 Collins began an expansion program to build a one-million dollar plant near the Dallas suburb of Richardson. A hanger was leased at nearby Red Bird Airport to install and repair airborne equipment. The move was due to a decentralization plan urged by the Defense Department for security reasons.337

According to Dick Russell, "At about 1:OO p.m. on the afternoon of November 22, half an hour after the president was shot, neighbors who lived along the road that runs by the little Redbird [sic] private airport began calling police. A twin-engine plane, they reported, was out there behaving very peculiarly. For an hour it had been revving its engines, not on the runway but parked at the end of the airstrip on a grassy area next to the fence. The noise prevented nearby residents from hearing their TVs, as news came over about the terrible events in downtown Dallas. But the police were too busy to check it out, and shortly thereafter the plane took off....

"Louis Gaudin, the government's air traffic control specialist at Redbird [sic] airport...recalled observing three men in business suits board a Comanche-type aircraft at about 2:00 p.m. on November 22, head north, then return with only two occupants, where they were met by a Dallas policeman named Haake."338

In August 1978, former Dallas Assistant District Attorney Bill Alexander and author Anthony Summers were retracing Oswald's movements. According to Summers, Alexander told him that the spot where Tippit was killed was near R.L. Thornton Freeway, the route to Red Bird airport. Alexander speculated that Oswald may have expected to be picked up and taken to the airport.339

In 1963, Wayne January rented planes at Red Bird Airport. He told researcher Jones Harris in 1966 and Summers in 1978 that before the assassination he was approached by two men and a woman, who inquired about renting an aircraft on November 22, to go to Mexico. After the assassination he thought that Oswald strongly resembled one of the men he had encountered.340

On November 24, 1963, FBI Special Agent Norman W. Propst was in Witchita Falls, Texas inquiring whether a South Texas pilot named Chuck Rogers or anyone from South Texas had been in contact with anyone at an aircraft plant in Olney, Texas or the crop dusting industry in North Texas in recent months.341 In 1991, Houston Police Department Forensic Artist Lois Gibson concluded, after photographic studies, that one of the Dealey Plaza tramps was either Charles Frederick Rogers, the CIA pilot and CAP member from Houston, "or a dead ringer close enough to be an identical twin."342

Rogers joined CAP in the early 1950s to learn to fly. "During his spare time, he participated in various CAP activities, including searches for downed pilots, which brought him into contact with other CAP leaders and cadets in the Texas-Louisiana region."343

Raymond Broshears, the former roommate of Oswald's Louisiana CAP unit captain, David Ferrie, told Dick Russell in 1975, that the purpose of Ferrie's sudden trip to Houston on the night of November 22, 1963, "was to meet a plane. He was going to fly these people on to Mexico, and eventually to South Africa, which did not have an extradition treaty with the United States. They had left from some little airfield between Dallas and Fort Worth, and David had a twin-engine plane ready for them, and that was the purpose of his mad dash through a driving rainstorm from New Orleans."344 Ferrie told New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison that the purpose of his "mad dash" was to go goose hunting. Perhaps D.H. Byrd also had reasons other than hunting for his first trip to Africa in November 1963.

A vice president at Collins Radio in Richardson knew George de Mohrenschildt and Oswald. Throughout the summer of 1962, de Mohrenschildt and his wife, Jean, made almost daily visits to the home of Admiral Henry C. Bruton. De Mohrenschildt introduced the Brutons to Lee and Marina and solicited the Brutons' help in his attempts to arrange and rearrange the Oswalds' lives.345

De Mohrenschildt was not only friends with Bruton, a former director of top secret Naval communications, he was also a friend of Colonel David L. Schurger, a Czech-born engineer who had served in Air Force intelligence. De Mohrenschildt was a frequent guest at this same house when it was owned by Schurger from 1954 to 1958.346

Carl Mather of Garland, Texas, a twenty-one year employee of Collins radio at the time of the assassination, had security clearance for electronics work and had done work on Johnson's airplane, Air Force Two. At about 2:00 p.m. on the day of the assassination a mechanic saw a man who looked like Oswald sitting in a red 1957 Plymouth in the parking lot of El Chico restaurant. The license number of the car (Texas PP 4537) was the same number issued to Mather's blue 1957 Plymouth. Mather was a close friend of J.D. Tippit's.347

Within the first year after the assassination, Kenneth Porter quit his job at Collins Radio. Soon thereafter articles began to appear in the Dallas papers about his dating Marina Oswald. J.H. "Bart" Bartholomew, an employee at Collins' Richardson plant since 1955, reported that after Porter had been working there for a while he quit "all of a sudden." Fellow workers wondered why he quit so suddenly. According to Bartholomew, Porter got along with everyone at the plant. No one knew any reason why he would quit. Then the news media reported that Kenneth and Marina were engaged. He had divorced his wife just prior to the engagement announcement. Porter also had children and had not mentioned any domestic problems. When news of the engagement broke, rumors began at Collins that he was marrying Marina for her money. Bartholomew said the talk around the plant was that the quitting, divorce and engagement all happened very quickly in that order within a year of the assassination.348

Bartholomew's job at Collins was inspecting work done on two-man communications "Huts" used in Korea and Vietnam. Collins also equipped military aircraft and ships with sophisticated top secret electronic gear. In March 1963, Collins was awarded a two-million-dollar-plus contract from the CIA connected United States Information Agency (USIA) to build nine short-wave transmitters to be used in Southeast Asia. Two weeks later, however, the work had to be postponed when President Kennedy requested a cut in USIA funds. By October, it appears, the contract had turned into a scandal. Assistant Secretary of Defense BeLieu was charged with giving false data to the House Human Resources subcommittee on a "sole source" contract awarded to Collins. Despite his denials, subcommittee members urged that BeLieu be dismissed if he did not give a satisfactory explanation. One week later, however, this heated debate would be eclipsed by a bigger scandal involving Collins Radio and the CIA.349 It also involved a ship with sophisticated electronics -- installed while Ken BeLieu was Assistant Navy Secretary for Installations and Logistics under Navy Secretary John Connally.350

On Halloween night 1963, Castro's soldiers captured four CIA agents attempting to infiltrate Cuba from a 174-foot ship called the Rex that was based in the Port of Palm Beach, flew a Nicaraguan flag and was being leased to the Collins Radio Company of Dallas by J.A. Belcher, a Miami oilman. The four agents confessed on Cuban television. One of those captured, Montero Carranzana, said he had "once landed twelve infiltrators on the north coast of Matazzas Province from a yacht that had a crew of American CIA agents." The U.S. government did not deny Castro's charges. The Rex mission was not the first time Collins had provided cover for CIA operations. Two weeks after Kennedy's death, the Rex and another mystery ship called Leda, again left their Florida ports.351 This paper will further explore several apparent connections between the Rex and the UT Rambler.

Byrd was able to give Arthur Collins his "big break" in 1933 because he had made his fortune by 1931. When he mapped out his goals he decided, "High on my list was the University of Texas. Despite my enforced drop-out after two years, I have nursed an abiding affection for the "Forty Acres" and its fortunes, especially on the football field...."352 D. Harold Byrd, as he is known on campus, donated large sums of money to the University of Texas and its Longhorn Marching Band. Among the things this money helped purchase was "Big Bertha," the largest bass drum in the world, and the construction of the Music Building East, in which a lounge is named the "Byrd Room" in his honor. Each year three band members receive the "Harold Byrd Awards" for leadership.353

As mentioned earlier, D.H. Byrd knew Barbara J. Burris, a mutual close friend and supporter of pianist Van Cliburn. "I wanted to be a welcome member of Dallas Society." Byrd wrote, "I was an early booster and close friend of pianists Van Cliburn and Jose Iturbi...."354 Barbara J. is the wife of Air Force intelligence Colonel Howard L. Burris, Vice President Johnson's military representative, discussed earlier in this paper. Her father, Texas Governor Beauford Jester was a "dear friend" of D.H. Byrd's.355

Thus the story of Byrds and planes comes full circle to our mysterious automobile. Through his enthusiastic patronage of The University of Texas, as well as through their mutual political and Air Force friends, and mutual contacts at DeGolyer and MacNaughton Byrd knew Harry Huntt Ransom. Ransom and UT are the key to Byrd's association with Cecil Bernard Smith, who had sold the mysterious UT Rambler to George Gordon Wing two years earlier. D.H. Byrd and C.B. Smith became founding members, in 1965, of UT's Chancellor's Council created by Harry Ransom.356

Señor Wing, su Camioneta, y el "Red Ripper"
The interrelationships previously discussed and yet to be discussed in this paper were not the result of unaided insights on the part of this paper's author or researchers. They were ascertained by studying what at first appeared to be a professor's eccentric collection of old magazines carried in his old car, and random mutilations of books on the JFK assassination and one rather obscure reference book in the UT libraries. Upon closer examination, however, patterns began to emerge.

For reasons to be discussed, the mutilations are believed to have been done by a single individual whom this paper's researchers have dubbed the "Red Ripper." This section will deal with an apparent combined purpose behind the eccentricities of George Wing and the mutilations of the Red Ripper.

To be explored, in this and later sections, are the probable identification of Wing's Rambler by an eyewitness who seems to corroborate Wing's background in Florida as predicted by a significant detail of the mutilations; the probable identity of the Red Ripper; and possible interpretations of the magazines and books as evidence.

In September 1988, this author began a daily reading program on the JFK assassination in preparation for the inevitable misinformation that would dominate media coverage of the twenty-fifth anniversary of that event. Despite having sporadically kept up with the subject over the years, large gaps in personal knowledge of the findings of researchers over the previous ten years was quickly realized. The reading continued past the anniversary and a learning curve began, resulting in a progressively greater understanding of the facts and history of the assassination.

By May 1989, this author was familiar enough with the Roger Craig story and its implications to take more than a passing glance at George Wing's old Rambler parked among the late model Honda's and Toyota's.

Another direct result of the reading program was the attention given, in the summer of 1989, to the mutilations of Anthony Summers' 1980 edition of Conspiracy. The annoyance of this led to a determined effort to find what was written on those missing pages.

As mentioned at the beginning of this paper, the missing "John Martino" pages in Anthony Summers' book were only a minor curiosity even in 1990 after the discovery of Martino's pre-assassination visit to Austin. This book was the 1980 edition, which was UT's only copy prior to the release of the 1989 edition. It was still missing the pages dealing with Martino in May 1991, despite the fact that these pages were reported missing in April 1990 and new pages had been "on order" since May, 9 1990.

When the second mutilation was found (Anson's 1975 book, They've Killed the President) it was still only a bothersome inconvenience. UT card catalog records showed a second copy in the Flawn Academic Center, UT's undergraduate library. That copy of the book was missing, however, and according to the librarian, had never been checked out. That indicated it was probably stolen just after being purchased.

It was only with the discovery of a third mutilation, the testimony of Santos Trafficante in a volume of hearings of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, that a pattern began to emerge.

The HSCA pages were removed in a way that left marks from a red ball point pen. The pen had been repeatedly stroked along the gutter of the book until the page could be easily ripped out. This was the same technique used in Anson's book and, in blue ink, in the fourth book discovered: an obscure biographical reference work called The Directory of American Scholars.

The only reason this book was consulted was because of attempts to find biographical information about Professor Wing. Wing's name was not listed, but near where his name would have been was a rectangular hole in the page that had been cut out using a blue ball point pen.

After consulting an older edition of this same directory it was suspected that the biography removed from this page (p. 672, sixth ed., 1974) was that of Nathaniel Weyl, the former OSS operative who helped expose Alger Hiss.357 Weyl was friends with John Martino358 (subject of the Summers missing pages and a "close friend" of Santos Trafficante),359 Frank Meyer360 (friend of William F. Buckley, Jr. and subject of Warren Commission Document 662), and William Pawley,361 who, aside from being a missing pages subject himself, wrote a letter to the editor of Esquire defending the planners of the Bay of Pigs invasion.362

That letter was published in George Wing's most prominently displayed back seat magazine. After receiving an intact copy of the sixth edition of the directory through an interlibrary loan, the suspicion that Weyl's biography was the one removed was confirmed.

The next book found was Peter Dale Scott's Crime and Cover-Up. Prior to discovery of The Fish is Red, Scott's was the most mutilated book. Once again a red ball point pen had been used.

The sixth book is perhaps the most unusual. It is the only known foreign language book to be mutilated, Wim J.F. Meiners' De Moordfabriek: Tussen Dallas En Watergate. Little is known about this book due to lack of access to Dutch translation services. It was determined much later that its missing pages included a photo section. No major significance between the photos and other aspects of the UT mysteries has been found. However, there are portraits of the Watergate burglars, who seem to have been of special interest to the Red Ripper. But still, this book may not be related to the others since there was no red ink. And the book was poorly bound which could have easily resulted in the loss of pages. There is one fact that makes it worth considering. The Dutch journalist, Willem Oltmans, who is referred to on one of this book's missing pages, had not only visited de Mohrenschildt just prior to his death, but was also talking to Manuel Artime and William Pawley at the time of their deaths. Artime and Pawley are prime subjects of other missing pages.363

Missing pages from The Fish is Red, again with traces of red ink along the gutter, also included the photo section. Since it was not known at this time that De Moordfabriek had a photo section, this was considered the first photo section removed. It was predicted, therefore, that there might be a significant photograph removed from this book. A second, intact, copy of this book was soon obtained from UT's Benson Latin American Collection. A quick perusal of the photos revealed no obvious connection to UT, or to George Wing and his station wagon.

A closer look, however, revealed what may be the most significant link of all between Wing and the JFK assassination: a 1961 photo of a man wearing a turtle-neck shirt, in Little Havana, Miami who looks like a young George Gordon Wing. He is pictured with a group of men being recruited by E. Howard Hunt for the Bay of Pigs invasion. Attempts were made to obtain an enlarged print of this photograph from its photographer, Andrew St. George. He has not responded to this author's request to purchase his photographs.

With the chilling discoveries of the Weyl biography and possible Wing photo mutilations, an effort began not only to analyze the known missing pages but to search the campus libraries for others. This led to the first indications of patterns in the contents of the various books as well as the discovery of the remaining books.

The study and analysis of the missing pages has proven to be a lengthy and time-consuming project. The findings concerning them are beyond the scope this paper. A thorough analysis of the missing pages would require another paper of considerable length. For researchers who would like to attempt their own analysis and critique, however, a complete list of the books, their missing pages and their discovery dates, as well as the back seat magazines, can be found in this paper's appendix. This paper will deal with some significant aspects of the missing pages that led to a greater understanding of the interrelationships previously discussed and yet to be discussed.

One of the initial themes to emerge in the missing pages subsequently took on greater importance. It was the first section missing from Anson (197-98). According to the index, it was about Loran Eugene Hall. On these pages Anson tells a story derived from Warren Commission Documents 1563 and 1179.

On September 18, 1963, Hall, "Frank" [possibly Sturgis], Celio Castro and Gerry Patrick Hemming (Oswald's Marine buddy) arrived in Los Angeles from Miami where Hall retrieved a rifle that he had pawned a year before to private eye Richard Hathcock.

After picking up a trailer of arms they all headed back to Miami with a stop in Dallas. "Frank" did not make the return trip with them. Frank Sturgis turned up in Fort Lauderdale, Florida on September 24 to orchestrate the mysterious Beech Travel-Air flight of September 25 by Alex Rorke, Geoffery Sullivan and a mystery passenger.

According to Sid Marks, a witness to the retrieval in Hathcock's office, the rifle was identical to the one shown on television on Nov. 23, 1963 as being used in the assassination. The FBI ended this investigation on Hathcock's word that it was not the same rifle.

This activity took place just prior to Oswald's Austin visit (September 25), the "Odio incident" (September 26) and Martino's Austin visit (October 1). The FBI later got Hall to confess to being one of Odio's mysterious visitors -- a story that satisfied the Warren Commission and proved to be a complete fabrication after the Warren Commission Report went to press.

As we will see, this Loran Eugene Hall story in Anson's book is a major link between the missing pages and the story of Miami Rambler eyewitness Michael Kensington. Kensington's story also has intriguing links to George Wing's Rambler.

The other missing pages from Anson provide a good introduction to the similarities in content of the missing pages in all of the mutilated books. The next set of missing pages (255-58) are in Anson's chapter nine, "The Cuban Connection." The source notes for chapter nine (notes 1-123), are also missing. These pages discuss Gilberto Alvarado ("D"), Jack Anderson (also missing from Scott's Crime and Cover-Up), Manuel Artime (Artime and "D" are also subjects of missing pages from the other books), Carlos Bringuier, Rolando Cubela (a.k.a. AM/LASH, another prime target of the Red Ripper), Allen Dulles, Peter Edelman, Richard Helms, E. Howard Hunt, James McCord, Sixto Mesa (also missing from Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 52, n. 20), and the Nicaragua intelligence Service.

The missing pages after these (267-68) are also in chapter nine. They deal with the CIA raider ship, Rex, discussed earlier in this paper. The story of the Rex is also missing from Crime and Cover-Up. These missing pages led this paper's author to the interrelationships discussed earlier concerning D.H. Byrd and Collins Radio.

The next missing pages (275-76) are the first two of chapter ten, "The Gentlemen from Langley." These pages refer to the Rockefeller Commission Report pages 254-57, and a story from the New York Daily News of April 23, 1975, concerning E. Howard Hunt's possible presence in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963. According to Marita Lorenz, the group who drove from a Miami safehouse in a station wagon "to kill Kennedy" rendezvoused with Hunt in Dallas.364

Chapter eleven, "The Organization Men," contains missing pages 307-14. They concern links between Trafficante, Meyer Lansky, Carlos Marcello, Jack Ruby and the Mannarino brothers of Pittsburgh, (Philadelphia was the hometown of Frank Sturgis and George Wing.) Missing page 331 is the last of this chapter and contains only one footnote (147) which refers to the Warren Commission Report (Bantam, 1964), page 707, and its vague reference to "gambling acquaintances" which eluded the Commission's attention at every turn.

Chapter twelve, "Toward a New Investigation" contains missing pages 332-34 concerning omissions by the Rockefeller Commission. Of particular note on page 334 is "data on Sylvia Odio's father (he had been imprisoned by Castro because he harbored two fugitives in an assassination plot; moreover, Manuel Rodriguez, the Oswald look-alike and Dallas Alpha 66 leader [C.D. 23.4], belonged to the same group as Odio's father), and the Agency's apparent lie to the FBI the day of the assassination that it had no CIA-originated material in its file on Oswald."

Due to skepticism and perhaps some denial on the part of this paper's researchers, the back seat magazines which were known about since 1989, were first examined closely in 1993. Once again their content proved to be more than mildly intriguing.

A study of microfilm of the most prominent Rambler-back seat magazine (Esquire, August 1963, Vol. LX, No.2, whole No. 357) revealed an obvious connection to the missing pages.

The first letter to the editor on page twelve is from William D. Pawley, Miami Florida. Pawley, Eisenhower's ambassador to Brazil and Peru, and co-founder of the Flying Tigers, was a friend of both John Martino and Nathaniel Weyl (subjects of missing pages). Weyl ghost wrote autobiographies for both men. He wrote the very book John Martino was plugging during his October 1, 1963 speech to the Austin Anti-Communist League. Pawley himself is a subject of missing pages from The Fish Is Red. The letter is entitled "The Cuban Story."

In the letter Pawley disputes the facts of a story about the Bay of Pigs which appeared in the June issue: "How I Signed Up at $250 a Month for the Big Parade Through Havana Bla-Bla-Bla" by Terry Southern. Pawley calls it a "beatnik story" and blames the failure at the Bay of Pigs on the Kennedy Administration's "terrible mistake of judgement in cancelling the bomber strike on the Havana airport...", and defends those who prepared the plans for the invasion.

He calls the publicity given the article by Esquire "a great tragedy." He enclosed a copy of an ad "that appeared in the Miami Herald a few days ago." He accuses Esquire of inserting it. Southern's article is an interview of Boris Grgurevich concerning events he experienced prior to the invasion. Pawley's letter is the longest of four in this issue.

On the cover of the June 1963 Esquire is a photograph satirizing James Montgomery Flagg's "I want you for U.S. Army" poster from World War I. The satirical caption reads "The CIA wants you. Join up for the march through Havana."

On page sixteen of the August issue is the regular column by Norman Mailer called "The Big Bite." Continuing on page eighteen, Mailer writes, "Given his [JFK's] virtues, suffering his huge vice, his emptiness, his human emptiness, we have moved as a nation under his regime, deeper into totalitarianism, far deeper than his predecessors could have dreamed, and have been granted (by the cavalier style of his personal life and the wistfulness of his appreciation for the arts) the possible beginnings of a resistance to the American totalitarianism."

A study of microfilm of the second most prominent Rambler-back-seat magazine (Esquire January 1964, Vol. LXI, No.1, whole No. 362) revealed no obvious connections to the Rambler or the missing pages. However the cover is devoted to Esquire's annual "Dubious Achievement Awards."

One photograph has become an icon in this annual humorous look at the previous year due to its repeated appearances. This feature, which began in 1962, has traditionally used a photograph of Richard Nixon with his mouth wide open in laughter and the caption, "Why is this man laughing?" This photo with this caption was displayed by George Wing as part of a photo montage assembled on the door of his office. Also displayed on Wing's door were four items arranged in a vertical group in the following sequence: An old newspaper advertisement, written in Portuguese, with the headline, "Cursos De Detetive", for a detective school in Sao Paulo, Brazil (Academia Paulista de Investigacoes).

A handwritten notation on the ad reads "Podares Psiodicos," which is Portuguese for "crazy powerful people." Below the ad was a cut-out newspaper headline which read, "A four-letter word: work." Below it was the word "Pain," cut from another source, in bold white letters on a red background. Directly below that was a bumper sticker bearing the AAA logo of the American Automobile Association.

Since many former Nazis reportedly settled in Sao Paulo after the war and were involved in U.S. intelligence activities in Latin America; and since Oswald's "work" in the School Book Depository was obtained with the help of Ruth Paine (Pain) who, allegedly, had an automobile (AAA) which fit the description of George Wing's Rambler; and since Wing's Rambler carried on its back seat, one of the first publications of the Nixon "Why is this man laughing?" photographs, associations can be made between Wing's photo montage, his car, Ruth Paine, Richard Nixon, and Allen Dulles. Of course, the fact that such an interpretation of this photo montage in UT's Spanish and Portuguese Department is possible could also be a coincidence.

Also of possible significance in the January 1964 Esquire are the first two of twelve letters to the editor. They are both critical of an article appearing in the November 1963 issue entitled "Apocalypse at Dresden" by R.H.S. Crossman. The letters, by Ronald L. Richter of Philadelphia and "Cleaver Matwaen (Don Eyles)" defend the military necessity of the bombing against Crossman's moral and strategic condemnation. Is this a reference by Wing to Rostow?

While a complete analysis of Crossman's article, as with most aspects of the back seat magazines and mutilated books, must await the results of future detailed studies, the question of whether there is any relevance to Walt Whitman Rostow should be given a brief examination here; especially given Rostow's previously discussed relationships.

Crossman's article does not mention Rostow despite the fact that, as Crossman wrote, "Unexpectedly I found myself recruited to a secret department attached to the Foreign Office, with the title `Director of Psychological Warfare against Germany.' My main task was to plan the overt and subvert propaganda which we hoped would rouse occupied Europe against Hitler. But I soon found myself caught up in a bitter top-secret controversy about the role of bomber offensive in breaking of German morale."365

Later transferred to Eisenhower's staff, one of Crossman's "pleasantest memories" was "the attitude of General Walter Bedell Smith displayed a few weeks after the Dresden raid." According to Crossman, Smith countermanded direct orders to prevent the realization of Churchill's desire "to use terror tactics in order to panic them out of their homes and onto the roads, and so to block the German retreat."366

Rostow, it seems, displayed no such remorse with regard to Dresden or the tactics of area bombing. While presenting the facade of a purely objective approach to the subject, Rostow nevertheless displayed hints of a lack of compassion toward Dresden's civilian destruction, which was "far more devastating than either of the two atomic raids against Japan that were to follow it two months later."367

In a 1943 memo to an advocate of the policy, Rostow wrote, "I see no evidence or reason to believe that area bombing, whatever its great virtues as a generalized drain on the structure of Germany and its military potential, is capable of precipitating a decisive crisis" (emphasis added).368 Even while writing in 1981, that "EOU opposed the bombing of Dresden and Chemnitz,"369 Rostow does not give an opinion of Berlin or Leipzig. His feelings are again hinted, however, in his 1943 memo: "it is my private view that the rest of Germany would take some modest pleasure in Berlin getting it."370

There is no indication in the available record that Rostow expressed any moral objections to a target that, weeks prior to its total destruction, "had been considered so famous a cultural monument and so futile a military target that even the Commander in Chief of Bomber Command, Air Marshal Sir Arthur Harris, had given it hardly a thought."371

Also of possible relevance in the January 1964 issue is the article, "Our Man In Saigon" by George J.W. Goodman. The deck reads, "Since September, 1962, David Halberstam has been in the middle of the mess in Vietnam, winning enemies and influencing America."

On page fifty-seven Goodman writes, "Now a military junta has deposed the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem; as turbulence grows over the destiny of South Vietnam, Halberstam and the U.S. press in Saigon almost surely will be charged as participants and not merely observers by those who felt the best bet for the United States was the status quo. Frank Conniff, the Hearst columnist, has written that Halberstam's reporting has misled the President and `is a political time bomb' like the Times' coverage of the Cuban revolution: `Well, the good grey Times has decreed the Diem government in Vietnam has got to go, so...brace yourself for the emergence of an Asian Fidel Castro.'"

There may also be some significance found in the Reese Cleghorn article on page seventy-one of the January 1964 Esquire. It is an article in which "Five of the South's leading Segregationists speak for themselves."

One of the most memorable moments during the study of the UT connections to the assassination came on May 13, 1991. It was the chance discovery of the removal of Nathaniel Weyl's biography from the obscure reference book, the Directory of American Scholars. Four days earlier the pages missing from the HSCA volumes had been found. The first suspicions were already being entertained that one individual, using, in most cases, a red ball point pen, was guilty of the vandalism.

Nothing detailed was known at this time about the contents of the missing pages except that one mutilation was entirely about John Martino and the rest were about the assassination. It was known that Martino was a friend of Nathaniel Weyl and that he claimed to know much about Oswald's actual role in the conspiracy. It was also clear that if the odd aspects of George Wing's car related to anything concerning the assassination, it would have to be Oswald. Wing, therefore became the prime "Red Ripper" suspect.

It was therefore decided to indirectly learn more about Dr. Wing. That is the only reason this author has ever consulted the Directory of American Scholars. And it was only the fact that it was necessary to look in the "W" section, that the discovery was made. In the location of Weyl's biography on page 672 was a rectangular hole cut out using a dark blue ball point pen.

This was the first indication that there may be substantial similarities between the missing pages; similarities which were sought out by the Red Ripper either for the purpose of censoring the material or allowing its discovery by others. Either way, the possibility existed that the pages communicated something of importance to the Red Ripper. The next step was to learn as much as possible about John Martino and Nathaniel Weyl. The following was learned about these men and their connections.

According to an FBI report cited by Canfield and Webberman, a few days after the assassination, "James Buchanan, had written an article for the Pompano Beach Sun Sentinel which quoted [Frank] Sturgis as saying that `...Oswald had telephone conversations with the Cuban Government G-2 Intelligence Service during (a) November 1962 visit to Miami. He also contacted `Miami-based supporters of Fidel Castro...,' gave out his famous leaflets and tried to infiltrate a Cuban anti-Castro group which turned out to be the International Anti-communist Brigade [IAB]. He failed because he was outsmarted by their leader, Frank Sturgis. When questioned about this by the FBI, Sturgis said it was just speculation."372

An informant told the FBI that Buchanan, who according to Sturgis was Director of Propaganda for the IAB, was trying to incite the U.S. government to take action against Cuba. During their investigation, the FBI learned about a fight between Oswald and members of IAB in Miami in October 1962. The source of the alleged fight was John Martino and Nathaniel Weyl. In October 1962 Martino and Weyl were writing Martino's book I Was Castro's Prisoner.373

Because of this book, Martino, a "Florida electronics manufacturer," became "the nation's most famous former Castro prisoner." Martino claimed he flew into Cuba by Pan-American Airways in July 1959 on "a routine vacation and business trip...." He said he was framed by Castro's secret police as a member of the anti-Castro underground and accused of hauling guns in his own plane and burning sugar cane fields. During his trial, witnesses "said he had landed a light aircraft on a highway in the course of clandestinely entering Cuba." Martino said, "Well, this was ridiculous."374

Martino's denials did not ring true, however, because he was a friend of Captain William Morgan. Morgan was an early supporter of Castro but was exposed by Cuban Military Intelligence in 1960 as an anti-Castro triple agent. He was executed by firing squad in Havana, and became an instant anti-Castro martyr.375

After the assassination Martino was actively spreading several false stories that Oswald was paid by Castro to kill Kennedy.376 These false stories and especially the story of "D" (Gilberto Alvarado) are the subject of many of the missing pages.

Nathaniel Weyl testified before the Senate Internal Security Committee on February 19, 1952 that he had been a member of the same Communist "cell" as Alger Hiss. His testimony was "the only outside support [Whittaker] Chambers' story ever received." By the time he testified, Weyl, a freelance writer, had authored several books about treason and espionage. Also at this time Hiss was in jail and public support was building for a new trial.377 Even without vindication, a new trial for Alger Hiss would have been a blow to the political career of then Vice President Richard Nixon.

Another bit of information about Weyl, revealed by Canfield and Webberman, was that Frank Meyer was cited as a reference for the Weyls in CD 662. This FBI report of March 5, 1964, says that informant "T-1" was a house guest at the Weyls' home in Florida and had long conversations there with John Martino about Oswald's links to Castro. At the end of the report its author added, "Frank Meyer, Woodstock, New York, a self-admitted former member of the CP [Communist Party], was interviewed as a reference in 1953, and stated that the Weyls broke with the CP sometime between 1937-1939. He indicated the Weyls have made public statements concerning their past activities and present feelings and he feels they are both strongly, clearly and deeply anti-Communist." This eventually became a major UT connection because Meyer "often wrote for the National Review, the editor of which was [E. Howard] Hunt's confidante William Buckley."378 Actually, Meyer was more than just a writer for National Review. He became senior editor in 1957.379

According to Canfield and Webberman, "...William F. Buckley's column of March 26, 1964...ponders the possibility that Oswald was a Soviet agent by citing the hypothesis of a `recently retired member of the CIA.' This `friend,' who was `extensively schooled in espionage,' told him that before Oswald left Russia he was recruited as an agent. Hunt had `recently retired' from the CIA to become a `contract agent' around this time, and was very close to Buckley. Jack Anderson reported that William F. Buckley was `behind a defense fund to pay Hunt's lawyers what the secret Watergate hush funds didn't cover.'"380

The possibility of a domestic right-wing conspiracy was not unknown to Buckley but he apparently only gave serious consideration to a foreign communist conspiracy. Soon after the assassination Buckley left the country. He went to Switzerland to write a book that never materialized. While there, a friend arranged a dinner party for the Buckleys with Mr. and Mrs. Charlie Chaplin. According to Buckley biographer John B. Judis, "Chaplin was preoccupied with the assassination of President Kennedy...and he suggested to his guests that it had been a plot by the CIA or Texas John Birchers.

"`I don't trust the FBI. Do you, Mr. Buckley?' Chaplin asked.

"`No,' Buckley replied. `After all, they let you get out of the country without paying your income tax.'"381

As discussed earlier in this paper, Buckley was recruited into the CIA and introduced to Hunt by James Burnham who could have known Michael Paine's father as a fellow leader of the U.S. Trotskyist movement. Buckley himself could have known de Mohrenschildt who had worked for his parent's oil company, Pantipec. De Mohrenschildt later entered the oil business in Cuba with Pantipec's president Warren W. Smith and several Cubans who were to become involved in anti-Castro activities that included Oswald. Army Intelligence reservist Jack Crichton, who was a mutual friend of Ilya Mamantov with Ruth Paine, had also worked for Warren Smith at Pantipec. Buckley's good friend, Hunt, was a favorite CIA employee of Allen Dulles. Hunt worked for Dulles' other favorite agent, Tracy Barnes, as covert action chief of Barnes' mysterious Domestic Operations Division. It was another agent of Barnes' division, J. Walton Moore, who encouraged de Mohrenschildt to get to know Oswald in Dallas.

Allen Dulles, the CIA's expert on Yugoslavia, "having at one point in his State Department career been in charge of the desk that dealt with the affairs of that part of the world" and "apparently knew the names of every city, town, river, bridge, railway line, and personality in the entire country,"382 very likely knew de Mohrenschildt at least through his CIA reports on Yugoslavia in 1957; if not through his cousin Baron Constantine Maydell, the top German Abwehr agent in the U.S. when Dulles began working with members of the Abwehr in attempts to assassinate Hitler along with the Paines' close friend, Mary Bancroft.

Moreover, Dulles' uncle, Robert Lansing, "contemplated a coup that would put him in the White House after Wilson's breakdown in October 1919" and "tried to provoke a war with Mexico about this same time."383 Another man who was intimately involved in these 1919 provocations was William F. Buckley, Sr.384 Lansing's fellow cabinet members were at the top of UT's power structure. Two of them were involved in businesses that linked directly to the Paine family interests in the American Bell Telephone Company. Buckley, Sr. was a former resident of UT's "Old B Hall" dormitory and shared that distinction with Rex G. and Hines Baker (top executives at Humble Oil with Nazi supporter William Stamps Farish, Sr.), Senator Richard Kleberg (who launched LBJ's political career), William B. Bates (founder of the law firm Fulbright and Jaworski), D.H. Byrd, C.B. Smith, and Jack R. Dougherty, Farish III's fellow Beeville rancher whose clan produced right-wing Dallas oilman Dudley Dougherty.

It was Dougherty who brought Madam Ngo Dinh Nhu to Dallas in October 1963 to be honored at General Walker's "U.S. Day" rally attended by Lee Harvey Oswald. These Beeville connections became the most unexpected UT-JFK assassination link to George Wing's Rambler. The only thing about Wing's Rambler that did not seem to hint at a right-wing/UT-connected conspiracy was an unusual bumper sticker on the rear bumper. It was from the 1964 gubernatorial campaign of progressive Democrat Frances "Sissy" Farenthold. Amazingly, despite her political leanings, she turned out to be one of the Beeville Doughertys.385

It was rare to see this particular piece of political ephemera anywhere by the 1980s -- let alone still on a car's bumper. But then everything about Wing's Rambler, except the required license and registration, screamed "1964" (a look that would seem to have taken some effort to maintain some twenty-five years later). Added to that effort is the fact that each anachronism, including the car itself, whispered "JFK assassination."

These were not the only revelations that resulted from the Red Ripper's removal of Weyl's biography. One of the connections that leads directly back to George Wing's Rambler station wagon, is the fact that William Pawley, whose letter was featured in the most prominent back seat magazine, also knew Nathaniel Weyl. According to Hinckle and Turner, in 1963, "The aging millionaire was working on his memoirs with author Nathaniel Weyl, the right-wing ghostwriter whose books in his own name included Red Star Over China and Red Star Over Cuba. At the same time the prolific Weyl was commissioned to ghostwrite John Martino's account of his three years in a Cuban prison entitled I Was Castro's Prisoner."386 Through Weyl, Martino arranged for two ex-CIA agents on Pawley's payroll to attend a meeting in Fort Lauderdale of anti-Castro leaders designed to "find out what the CIA was doing" and report back to President Kennedy who "didn't trust the agency and felt he was receiving bad information." An initial meeting had already brought Martino together with fellow anti-Castro loose cannons Howard Davis, Eddie Bayo, and Gerry Patrick Hemming (Oswald's Marine buddy), in the office of Miami News editor Bill Boggs, a Kennedy confidant.387

The anti-Castro leaders did not trust the CIA either. They were using the meeting to solicit support from Florida conservative leaders to back a mission to smuggle two Soviet Army colonels out of Cuba who knew where the Russians had hidden offensive missiles in violation of the Missile Crisis settlement.388

One of the solicitors was Hemming, who would later travel to California with Loran Eugene Hall to retrieve a special rifle. It was Hemming's right-hand man, Howard Davis who had gotten word to Kennedy about the Russian colonels through New York financier Theodore Racoosin. As a result of the meeting, Senator James O. Eastland of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee urged Pawley to help Martino arrange the secret mission. It was called Operation Red Cross.389

Life magazine's Dick Billings accompanied Pawley, Martino, William "Rip" Robertson, and the exile guerrillas, led by Bayo, on the mission.390 Billings would soon be stationed at Life's temporary bureau at the Adolphus Hotel in Dallas covering the Kennedy assassination, where he would aid Richard B. Stolley and C.D. Jackson in the negotiations to buy the Zapruder film.391 Rip Robertson, the former World War II Marine frogman from Texas who helped overthrow Arbenz for United Fruit, was the commander of the Barbara J. and one of the first two men ashore at the Bay of Pigs.392

Former Ambassador Pawley, who founded General Chenault's Flying Tigers, had also participated in the Guatemala coup, had co-authored the infamous Doolittle Report with his friend Allen Dulles, had pressured Eisenhower to give American support to the first anti-Castro exiles, and had persuaded Clare Booth Luce to finance anti-Castro guerrilla operations. An FBI report written years before the assassination described Martino as a "close friend" of Santos Trafficante.393 Bayo was reportedly involved in the July 1961 double assassination plot against Fidel and Raúl Castro run out of the Guantánamo Naval base. He later joined Alpha 66.394

Hinkle and Turner described the meetings that led to Operation Red Cross this way: "It was through these show-and-tell meetings about the CIA that the matter of the Russian missile officers would pass from the hands of Kennedy's friends to those of his foes."395

Indeed. Snubbed by the CIA, Hemming formed his own group, Interpen, "a kind of Dirty dozen times two." With him was Robert K. Brown, a graduate of the counterintelligence school at Fort Holabird, Maryland. Hemming funded Interpen with support from right-wing Dallas oilman Clint Murchison, who was a close associate of the Cabell brothers, Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover.396 Additional funding came from Howard Hughes associate C. Osmet Moody, who owned the Cay Sal Bank islands where George Bush's rig was drilling from 1957-1963397 Funding also came from H.L.'s son Nelson Bunker Hunt, and right-wing radio station magnate Gordon McLendon.398

McLendon owned the Dallas top-40 station, KLIF. Jack Ruby had a close relationship with McLendon and other staff at KLIF and visited the station several times during the weekend of the assassination.399 On the back of an envelope found in Ruby's pocket when he shot Oswald was the phone number (DA1-0467) of his friend, KLIF disc jockey, Russ "Weird Beard" Knight. Ruby had even called McLendon's home the night of the assassination.400 The high-risk Operation Red Cross, launched in June 1963, failed when Bayo and his guerrillas disappeared in Cuba.401

In 1975, Martino confided to his close Texas business associate Fred Claasen that he had been a CIA contract agent and had personal knowledge of the conspiracy behind the Kennedy assassination. He told Claasen:

The anti-Castro people put Oswald together. Oswald didn't know who he was working for -- he was just ignorant of who was really putting him together. Oswald was to meet his contact at the Texas Theater. They were to meet Oswald in the theater, and get him out of the country, then eliminate him. Oswald made a mistake....There was no way we could get to him. They had Ruby kill him.

Martino died soon after he talked to Classen. His widow said, "the Company or the government picked up his body."402

Technically, Operation Red Cross could be considered part of a larger effort underway in 1963 to once again invade Cuba. In January 1963, Manuel Artime, "the CIA's `Golden Boy' of Brigade 2506," met with Robert Kennedy and soon began receiving funding for Operation Second Naval Guerrilla (SNG), the third Cuba invasion attempt after Mongoose fizzled.403 Artime, like Buckley, would later organize a defense fund for his friend E. Howard Hunt and the other Watergate defendants.404

SNG would depend on one of the previously mentioned assassination plots (the AM/LASH plot) being revived just when President Kennedy was considering normalizing relations with Cuba. Why then would Bobby Kennedy go along? As Hinckle and Turner explained, "...underlying RFK's genuine sympathy for the exiles was the slight edge of extortion, for Artime knew things about the invasion that were better left unsaid."405

Second Naval Guerrilla involved not only Artime and the CIA, but General Edward Lansdale; General Samoza of Nicaragua; Rolando Cubela alias AM/LASH;406 E. Howard Hunt;407 Cubela's close friend Jose Aleman, Jr.; Haiti/Nicaragua lobbyist I. Irving Davidson; Cuba raider Orlando Bosch; Aleman-ally and SNG-Somoza liaison Carlos Prio Socarras; Artime's Somoza liaison Miguel de Leon; CIA/Somoza linked United Fruit and Steamship of New Orleans; and the Lake Pontchartrain training camp, which had Somoza's blessing and whose graduates would be sent on to Nicaragua.408

Involved in the Lake Pontchartrain training camp were camp member Carlos Bringuier; camp dynamite supplier and life-long friend of Cubela, Victor Espinosa Hernandez alias "A"; camp arms cache holders Sam Benton, Mike McLaney and his brother William McLaney; camp manager and former leader of Sturgis' Cuban underground, Victor Paneque Batista and his alleged uncles, camp head, Laureano Batista and his brother Augustin Batista, who was one of several real estate investors calling themselves the Ansan Group.409

The Ansan group laundered millions of dollars in Cuban money into Key Biscayne real estate deals involving the Teamsters and Richard Nixon. A principal of the Ansan group was Jose Aleman, Sr., the father of Cubela's close friend. Aleman, Sr. was a former Cuban minister under President Carlos Prio Socarras.410

These were the most direct participants in Second Naval Guerrilla. And just as the Ansan Group members had links to Nixon, I. Irving Davidson had connections through Clint Murchison, for whom he lobbied in Washington, to Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover. Davidson had earlier been intimately involved in the Bobby Baker scandal which implicated Johnson. He would later mobilize Teamster political influence to prevent the anti-Kennedy Jimmy Hoffa from going to prison.411

The Lake Pontchartrain training camp, as Scott said, "in short, was part of he CIA-Artime-Cubela-Somoza plan [SNG]." SNG activities had twice, despite warnings, "violated President Kennedy's ban on U.S.-based guerrilla operations, and one if not both of these incidents involved the future burglars of Watergate."412

One of these incidents was the October 1963 raid on Cuba "from a Florida-based ship of the Somozas called the Rex, [involving] both [Eugenio] Martinez as skipper (according to Sturgis) and very probably Sturgis himself as well." According to Scott, " least four (perhaps six) of those associated at this time with the Artime-Nicaragua plan [SNG] disseminated similar stories [to the story of "D"] linking Oswald (or Ruby) to Fidel Castro."413

Simply put, the missing pages appear to tell the story of Operation Second Naval Guerrilla, participants of which were closely involved with the activities of Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the assassination and Marina Oswald after the assassination.

A major part of that story, involving many of the same participants, concerns the planting of false stories linking Jack Ruby and Lee Oswald to both Fidel Castro and the Soviet Union. Among those behind the false stories were James Buchanan, Frank Sturgis, John Martino, Nathaniel Weyl, William F. Buckley, Jr., Miguel de Leon, and Carlos Bringuier, who together with his close friend Ed Butler, debated Oswald on WDSU radio in New Orleans, exposed his defection to Russia, and publicly released a "truth tape" of the debate right after the assassination.414

Bringuier had been the Press and Propaganda Secretary of the CIA-sponsored Cuban Revolutionary Council (CRC) in New Orleans located at 544 Camp Street -- the address of Guy Banister's office that was stamped on leaflets distributed by Oswald in front of Clay Shaw's International Trade Mart.415

Butler was head of the Information Council of the Americas (INCA). He conceived of the propaganda activity he called "truth tapes" while serving in a special Army Unit in Alexandria Virginia. After 1963 he sat on the Planning Committee for the Freedom Studies Center of the American Security Council with Edward Lansdale. INCA's production manager, Manuel Gil, was a member of Bringuier's CRC at 544 Camp Street. Gil would later become involved with SNG's Orlando Bosch whose anti-Castro raids included Frank Sturgis and James Buchanan's brother Jerry Buchanan.416

Along with Lansdale, Nelson Rockefeller may have also had an interest in INCA's pre- and post-assassination activities concerning Oswald. In 1941, Rockefeller, apparently arranged letters of credit from the Rockefeller family's Chase Manhattan Bank for de Mohrenschildt and his Abwehr cousin Konstantin Maydell. At that time Rockefeller was coordinator of information for Latin America.417

Shortly after Castro's takeover, Nelson's brother David became president of Chase which had controlled Cuba's credit for half a century. David was also director of Punta Allegre Sugar Corporation, the second largest producer of Cuba's primary export. Rockefeller family advisor A.A. Berle, Jr. was chairman of SuCrest, the largest sugar refiner on the East Coast. According to biographers Peter Collier and David Horowitz, "When the National Security Council made its decision to invade Cuba, five of those present were David's close friends or associates (Secretary of State Rusk, Secretary of the Treasury Dillon, CIA chief Allen Dulles, Presidential Assistant McGeorge Bundy, and Berle)." While president of Chase, David Rockefeller shared CEO responsibilities with George Champion, who had succeed future Warren Commissioner John J. McCloy as chairman of the board. Another of Nelson's brothers, John, Jr., had helped D.H. Byrd buy Collins radios for Admiral Byrd's polar expeditions.418

Nelson Rockefeller's influence in the White House improved greatly when his family's candidates Eisenhower and Nixon took office in 1953. He was "charged with sweeping away the administrative debris of twenty years of Democratic rule." He swept three New Deal programs under the new Department of Health, Education and Welfare. He was then named Undersecretary of HEW to Texan Oveta Culp Hobby, publisher of the Houston Post and wife of Texas Governor William P. Hobby.419

Mrs. Hobby would occasionally socialize with Houston's ultra powerful in Suite 8F of the Lamar Hotel in downtown Houston. According to author Pete Brewton, former reporter for the Houston Post and Houston Chronicle, "In 8F were the Brown brothers, George and Herman, the financial backers of LBJ who owned the giant construction firm Brown & Root; Gus Wortham, the insurance king of American General Insurance Co.; Jesse Jones, `Mr. Houston,' lumber man, banker and publisher of the Houston Chronicle who headed the Reconstruction Finance Corp. for Franklin D. Roosevelt; Judge James Elkins, who founded the law firm of Vinson & Elkins and First City Bank in Houston...."420 Hobby's fellow Houston newspaper publisher, Jesse H. Jones, had been yet another Texan in Woodrow Wilson's cabinet. His Houston Endowment, Inc., founded in 1937, is a primary beneficiary of the University of Texas at Austin.421

George Brown, George de Mohrenschildt's mutual friend with Howard Burris and Lyndon Johnson, was president of the CIA-conduit Brown Foundation. A director of Brown's firm Texas Eastern Transmission, George A. Butler, was trustee of the CIA-conduit Hobby Foundation with Mrs. Hobby. Hobby also sat on the CIA's Cuban Freedom Committee, which was set up for the CIA by E. Howard Hunt's future employer, the Robert R. Mullen Agency. A supporter of the Cuban Freedom Committee was INCA's president, Dr. Alton Ochsner who, like Harry Ransom, was a consultant to the U.S. Air Force. Ochsner was also a director of Latin American Reports, whose editor was William G. Gaudet the CIA agent who was issued the Mexican travel permit immediately preceding Oswald's. Gaudet, it is recalled, was the source of the Trotskyite link to Ruby, and had hinted that Oswald's cousin and Rostow/Isaacs (?) associate, Marilyn Dorothea Murret, was a CIA agent in New Orleans. In May 1963, the similar but more paramilitary minded Committee for a Free Cuba was formed. Its membership included Clare Booth Luce.422

Despite Nelson Rockefeller's UT/Texas connections through Oveta Culp Hobby, this route from George Wing's Rambler to Pawley to Operation Red Cross to SNG to the false stories about Oswald to Rockefeller's interest in these matters, may seem to be somewhat distant from the subject of this paper. However, these "Free Cuba" groups bring us once again back to the story of Loran Eugene Hall's retrieval of the rifle as told in CD 1179, a story which is a subject of missing pages. And it is also a story which, as we will see, has an apparently direct connection to George Wing's Rambler. Canfield and Webberman noted that "Hathcock volunteered the information that Hall paid for the rifle with a check drawn on `The Committee To Free Cuba.'" They go on to explain that,

The Committee To Free Cuba, like the Free Cuba Committee, Citizens for a Free Cuba, Crusade to Free Cuba, Crusade to Free Cuba Committee, Cuban Freedom Committee, and the Committee for Free Cuba, was merely a CIA front group established in order to account for funds the CIA was pumping into various exile groups. Either directly or indirectly, they could all be traced back to Watergate mastermind, Everette Howard Hunt.423

Furthermore, the Free Cuba Committee was headed by David Ferrie's friend, Eladio Del Valle, and Citizens for a Free Cuba was founded by Guy Banister. Canfield and Webberman, bringing all of this to a focus, point out that, "Loran Hall was an officer of the Committee to Free Cuba -- also known as the Free Cuba Committee. So what we have here is a CIA front group taking a rifle `out of pawn' that looked like Oswald's a month before the assassination."424

Several officials of these groups disseminated false stories tying Oswald and Ruby to Castro, and Castro to plots against other U.S. officials. One of the stories was given to the Free Cuba Committee by Andrew St. George -- the photographer who took the picture apparently showing George Wing with E. Howard Hunt's men in Miami.425 This SNG/false story connection to Wing will take on even greater importance when we explore the significance of CD 1179 to Wing's Rambler. But first, we will return to Nelson Rockefeller's connections to see where else they lead.

Oveta Culp Hobby sat on the Cuban Freedom Committee with Peter O'Donnell, Jr. who was president of Harry Ransom friend Karl Hoblitzelle's Foundation and a member of the right-wing National Advisory Council of Young American's for Freedom (NAC-YAF) with Robert Morris. Morris was Otto Otepka's defense attorney, General Walker's attorney, H.L. Hunt's attorney, a John Bircher, and a Naval intelligence officer.426

Young American's for Freedom was founded in September 1960 by William F. Buckley, Jr. "One of the YAF's leading board members by 1963," wrote Dick Russell, "was retired major general Charles Willoughby, who had a daughter living in Texas."427

A Dr. Stubblefield of Parkland Hospital had helped Robert Morris get General Walker released from the mental hospital to which Bobby Kennedy had him committed in 1962. It was through the offices of Dr. Stubblefield that Sylvia Odio's psychiatrist was later obtained.428 On the NAC-YAF with O'Donnell and Morris was Russian Prince Igor Cassini who with Bobby Baker tried to intervene in the the Kennedy sanctioned overthrow of Trujillo -- a coup that resulted in Mafia financial losses.429

Even if Rockefeller had known de Mohrenschildt since the war, and created Hobby's historic governmental position and served under her, and had extensive family ties to Cuba's economy, the Bay of Pigs invasion, and the Collins Radio Company, are there any indications that he would have a more direct interest in CIA-sponsored stories linking Oswald to Castro? The answer may lie in Rockefeller's next position in the Eisenhower administration.

Eighteen months after Nelson's appointment to HEW, C.D. Jackson (friend and co-worker of Walt Rostow, Allen Dulles, and later Henry Luce), resigned his post as Special Assistant to the President for Psychological Strategy (the position which gave him the authority to create Radio Free Europe, whose director was Norman Fredricksen's father). Rockefeller replaced Jackson and changed his title to Presidential Coordinator for the CIA. In that capacity he served as the first head of a secret unit called the Planning Coordination Group,430 a subcommittee of the Operations Coordination Board that was abolished by Kennedy on the advise of Rostow and Bundy. After the Bay of Pigs, Kennedy gave its oversight responsibilities to the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB).431

The little known PFIAB is currently composed of fourteen members drawn from "outside government." It reviews all intelligence operations and activities and reports to the president at least semiannually.432 Texas Senator John Tower, also a YAF board member, had personally interceded in 1962 with the Immigration and Naturalization Service in the case of Marina Oswald. Tower was chairman of Bush's PFIAB when he died in a plane crash in April 1991. Two long-time members of the PFIAB were Edwin H. Land of the Polaroid Corporation, and William O. Baker of Bell Telephone Laboratories.433 Recall that Mary Bancroft's first love affair was with Leopold Mannes, who was helping to perfect color photography -- a man she met through the Paines. Recall also that the Paine family and two of President Wilson's UT cabinet members were closely associated with Bell Telephone.

Rockefeller then, was obviously working closely with Allen Dulles and was also interacting with C.D. Jackson during the Eisenhower-Nixon administration. It seems, therefore, that Nelson Rockefeller "an expert on Latin America and psychological warfare,"434 had many connections and motives indicating access to information about, if not direct participation in, the events and propaganda preceding and following Kennedy's assassination.

Most ominously, however, the essential theme of the false stories spread by INCA and others, predates the assassination. The false stories are prima facie evidence of a conspiracy to cover up the assassination. And the fact that they predate the assassination is prima facie evidence of the conspiracy to assassinate Kennedy. According to Scott, "Beginning in October 1963 the CIA disseminated to other agencies a series of CIA messages about `a man who identified himself as Lee Oswald, [who] may be identical to Lee Henry Oswald' who had `contacted the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City.'" These messages alleged that Oswald was in contact with the KGB assassination department. There is substantial evidence that Oswald was being impersonated in this incident. Meticulous research by Paul L. Hoch clearly shows that the CIA was devoting considerable energy to obstructing a public resolution of this matter by the Warren Commission. Spearheading that effort was Deputy Director of Central Intelligence Richard Helms435 -- Howard Burris' close friend.

As of late 1992, evidence of this alleged impersonator was actively being kept secret. Among the files yet to be released on the assassination is a lengthy report by HSCA investigator Edwin Lopez which reportedly shows that Oswald was being impersonated in Mexico City. The "President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act of 1992" specifically excluded the Lopez report. The act began as a bill jointly sponsored by former Warren Commission attorney Arlen Specter, former HSCA Chairman Louis Stokes, and Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee David Boren.

At the same time Helms was reportedly obstructing the truth about an Oswald impersonator in Mexico City, he was leading the Warren Commission on a wild goose chase. The story of "D" -- a prime target of the Red Ripper -- alleged that Oswald was paid $6,500 by a "a tall, thin Negro" in Mexico City to kill Kennedy. After the story failed to hold water, "D" retracted his claim, then recanted the retraction, then failed a polygraph test. The story first came to the Commission's attention in a memo from Richard Helms, who never identified "D". The FBI later discovered he was Gilberto Alvarado, an agent of Nicaraguan intelligence -- another link to Second Naval Guerrilla and its leading participants, future Watergate figures Bernard Barker, James McCord, and E. Howard Hunt.436

In an incident similar to the "D" story, Miguel de Leon and Sixto Mesa, both associated with Hunt's friend Artime, got Fernando Penabaz, a friend of Bringuier's, to spread a story that Oswald had contacted Cuban intelligence in Nicaragua.437 DeLeon, Mesa, and Penabaz are also subjects of missing pages.

Thus, a cursory analysis of the missing pages seems to indicate that an apparent purpose behind the mutilations of the Red Ripper was to either censor facts about, or bring attention to the persons involved in both Second Naval Guerrilla and the false stories. One particularly noteworthy SNG/false stories connection to the UT Rambler is that some of these individuals were closely associated with Allen Dulles, Walt Rostow, William F. Buckley, Sr., Lyndon Johnson, and Howard Burris; who in turn had close UT ties to Harry Ransom, D. Harold Byrd, C.B. Smith, and the Spanish and Portuguese Department. As we will see next, there are even stronger connections between people involved in Second Naval Guerrilla, the false stories, and the Rambler.

Why is this Man Laughing?
It was apparently important to the Red Ripper that Watergate burglars Frank Sturgis, E. Howard Hunt, Eugenio Martinez, Bernard Barker, and James McCord were principal players in Second Naval Guerrilla and/or the false stories about Oswald and Ruby. We have seen that these persons had overlapping relationships with Lyndon Johnson and Allen Dulles; and they in turn had links not only to Ruth Paine and her alleged Rambler but to the UT Rambler as well.

One of them, Bernard Barker, may have been indirectly involved with the Dealey Plaza Rambler on the day of the assassination. Whether or not a man carrying fake Secret Service credentials aided in the release of the Rambler's driver (a story attributed to Roger Craig), Craig did say he reported his sighting of the Rambler to a fake Secret Service man, who was only interested in Craig's description of the car. Craig identified the man as Edgar Eugene Bradley.

Patrolman J.M. Smith and Deputy Constable Seymour Weitzman also reported an encounter with a fake Secret Service agent behind the infamous grassy knoll picket fence immediately after the shooting, while the smell of gunpowder was still in the air. In April 1975, one month before Roger Craig died of a rifle wound to the chest, Weitzman identified Bernard Barker, the leader of the Watergate burglary team, as the man who produced the fake Secret Service credentials.

Barker was E. Howard Hunt's top deputy during the Bay of Pigs, the CIA's chief liaison to the various Cuban exile groups, and was "paymaster" for all exile work for the Agency. Barker is also solidly linked to Santos Trafficante (Martino's friend), and the Cuban Revolutionary Council (whose New Orleans address was stamped on Oswald's leaflets). Barker has admitted, as has Frank Sturgis, to being close to Carlos Prio Socarras, the wealthy financier of Cuban exile activities. Prio Socarras was once arrested in a gunrunning conspiracy with Robert Ray McKeown. McKeown had been involved with Jack Ruby in "running jeeps to Cuba" and other smuggling schemes. As we will see, McKeown may be a key link between not only Ruby and Oswald, but Ruby, Oswald, George Wing, and C.B. Smith. Thus Barker has many ties to SNG (not the least of which is the fact that it was he who exfiltrated Artime out of Castro's Cuba) and apparent ties to our anachronistic Rambler.438

We have seen through examining the missing pages that SNG players Jose Aleman, Sr. and Augustin Batista had financial ties to Richard Nixon. Ten years after SNG they would all be embroiled in the Watergate scandal, and Hunt's friends, false story propagator William F. Buckley, Jr. and SNG principal Manuel Artime would raise funds to try to get them out of their Watergate mess.

Assuming that the Red Ripper was trying to communicate something important relating to George Wing's Rambler, are there more direct or more significant links from SNG and the Watergaters to the Rambler and the person to whom Oswald thought it belonged, Ruth Paine? It seems there are.

Although Nixon's ties to SNG's Ansan Group members are somewhat indirect, they take on greater importance given indications that he had closer ties to other SNG players who were directly involved with Jack Ruby and Lee Harvey Oswald. To examine those ties we must first return to Ruth Paine's July 1963 trip to Naushon Island to visit her mother-in-law -- a trip about which some still classified Warren Commission documents may shed light;439 and we must also explore Ruth's mutual Dallas friends with the Oswalds.

As we have seen with the close ties of Allen Dulles and Hans Gisevius at Dresser Industries, Ruth and Michael Paine were not the Massachusetts Paine family's only link with the city of Dallas. They had other possibly conspiratorial associations in that city as well. Michael's cousin Sandy Forbes belonged to an exclusive golf club with former deGolyer associate Paul Raigorodsky, the unofficial leader of the close knit Russian exile community in Dallas as well as a financial patron of that community's CIA-sponsored St. Nicholas Parish. Ruth, who spoke Russian well enough to tutor a student in scientific Russian at an exclusive private Dallas school, interacted with this same community. She was even a friend of Ilya Mamantov, who co-founded the St. Nicholas Parish. Mamantov was teaching the same subject as Ruth (scientific Russian) to a group of employees at Magnolia Laboratories. Therefore, cousin Sandy could have had an interest in Ruth's friend Marina, the newest darling of the Dallas Russian community.

Likewise, Michael's uncle, Eric Schroeder, had been a friend and investment associate of Everette deGolyer, who died in 1956, and whose "very close friend," Antonio J. Bermudez, was listed in George de Mohrenschildt's phone book. Even if Schroeder did not know deGolyer's partner Lewis MacNaughton, he would have been familiar enough with him to be interested in Ruth's new friend Marina Oswald. Marina had been in close contact with MacNaughton's personal accountant George Bouhe. Although he felt it was too far to drive, Bouhe would make the trip to Oak Cliff when Marina "needed help with the baby." That insight into the relationship between Marina and Bouhe came from Mrs. Declan Ford (another of Marina's Dallas friends) when she testified before the Warren Commission.440 Uncle Eric had even lived in the Dallas area for many years, where he came to know deGolyer. As Scott says, it is "thus worth learning whether Schroeder had anything to do with his niece's assumption of the babysitting role formerly exercised by MacNaughton's personal accountant, George Bouhe."441

Peter Dale Scott tells us more about Bouhe and notes the strange and complete withdrawal of Bouhe's attention to Marina:

"George Bouhe testified before the Commission that while Raigorodsky was the `godfather' of the group, he himself `did the organization work' (8 H 358); others testified that he `even kept files on new arrivals' (8 H 453). From the fact that all members of the Russian Community were `well acquainted...with each other'. Commission counsel Jenner elicited testimony that it was `perfectly normal' (9 H 7) for the community to have lavished such care on the Oswalds.

"Nevertheless, from April to November 1963, the Russian community severed all contact with the Oswalds (even when Marina was separated and more helpless than before), and their baby-sitting role was now temporarily assumed by the Russian-speaking American Ruth Paine, a Quaker. Ruth Paine had her own contacts with the Russian community (9 H 107, 133), but had `accidentally' met the Oswalds through one Russian she did not know -- Count de Mohrenschildt (R 722)."442

Along with her husband, Mrs. Declan Ford (who revealed Bouhe's babysitting role) took care of Marina after the assassination. Mr. Ford had worked many years at DeGolyer and MacNaughton (2 H 323, 336), the former employer of Jack Crichton.443

As Scott reminds us, "...Crichton was simultaneously an Army Reserve Intelligence officer and an employee of Empire Trust, one of whose directors was Bouhe's and Ford's employer, Lewis W. MacNaughton. (Crichton himself had been a Vice-President of DeGolyer and MacNaughton, from 1946 to 1950). Crichton moreover had not only intelligence but political connections: in 1964, still an army reserve intelligence officer, he ran unsuccessfully against John Connally as Republican candidate for Governor of Texas."444

We will return to Mr. and Mrs. Ford, but first we will turn to the research of Peter Dale Scott to become acquainted with Mr. and Mrs. Max Clark and some of Marina's other Dallas friends through transcripts of tapes of her interrogations. These transcripts are intriguing because at the November 24 questioning Marina's translator, Peter Gregory, left out one name repeatedly. The transcriber noted these omissions along with Gregory's deliberate changing of many of Marina's statements. The transcriber also noted that the omitted name Marina kept saying was unintelligible. The names which Peter Gregory did translate on the 24th were Anna Meller, George Bouhe, and his own.

From this Scott deduces: "The first Russians mentioned by Marina in her next substantive interview of November 28 were the Gregorys, George Bouhe, Anna Meller, and Mr. and Mrs. Clark (CE 1792, 23 H 406-07). To the Commission she listed Gregory, Mrs. Clark, Elenor Hall, Bouhe, and Ann Meller (1 H 7). The first four names (Meller, Bouhe, de Mohrenschildt, Clark) supplied by Alexander Kleinlerer, another member of the group, also suggest that the missing name, which may or may not have been deliberately erased from the tape, may have been Gregory's friend Max Clark, the former security officer of General Dynamics (11 H 119)."445

What reason would there be to erase any mention of the Clarks from the tape? Why would Peter Gregory avoid translating Marina's repeated mention of them? And why was Mrs. Clark also left off of the Warren Commission's list of thirty-four persons with whom Lee Harvey Oswald may have had contact? Many of those listed had met Oswald for only a single evening; while Mrs. Clark was the second Russian, after Gregory himself, whom Oswald had met in Fort Worth. In fact, she was apparently the first Russian with whom Oswald made telephone contact in "attempts to arrange a prompt visit" (R 281) after obtaining the names of two Russian speaking persons in Fort Worth from the local office of the Texas Employment Commission.446 A close look at Mr. and Mrs. Clark may provide answers to these and other questions in this paper.

According to Scott, "There were many leads -- some obvious, some not so obvious -- linking Lee Harvey Oswald to Peter Gregory's friend Max Clark, former security officer for the Fort Worth plant of General Dynamics and Jack Ruby to the milieu of General Dynamics' controlling stockholder Henry Crown and his friend Jake Arvey."447 (There is also a CIA connection: General Dynamics' president, Frank Pace was one of the nine members of JFK's President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board.)448

Max Clark was interviewed by the FBI after the assassination. He was on a first name basis with the Fort Worth FBI agent who interviewed him (Earl Haley, 8 H 349). This may be because, along with having been a security officer for the Convair Division of General Dynamics (8 H 352), he was, according to one witness, connected with the FBI (9 H 235). In these capacities he was not far removed from a major political scandal. Up to the time of the JFK assassination, Convair was being investigated by a senate committee concerning the controversial contract award to build the TFX experimental fighter plane. Deputy Defence Secretary Roswell Gilpatric and resigned Navy Secretary Fred Korth were under particular scrutiny in this matter. Korth resigned because he had used his office in favor of his own Continental National Bank of Fort Worth, which had made loans to General Dynamics. Korth also had several Fort Worth business ties to the Oswald family.449

Henry Crown, a director of the Hilton Hotel chain, major Democratic contributor and the leading shareholder of General Dynamics in 1963, was a friend and allegedly an associate in corrupt land deals, with Jack Ruby's old political boss Jake Arvey of Chicago's 24th Ward.450 In addition to that, Crown's dealings, through the Havana Hilton, would come to encompass individuals close to Ruby, Oswald, Syvia Odio, Second Naval Guerrilla, CIA/Mafia assassination plotters, and possibly George Wing.

Former Marine intelligence officer John W. Houser, who became a fellow director with Henry Crown of Hilton Hotels International, had negotiated with a pro-Batista Cuban faction for the casino in the new Havana Hilton. The fact that mobster Albert Anastasia had met with this same group, and was Meyer Lansky's rival in Cuba, may have been one reason Anastasia was executed by the Mafia on October 25, 1957. The hit was allegedly a consensus between Lansky and Santos Trafficante (CIA/Mafia assassination plotter and close friend of John Martino). Trafficante had dinner with Anastasia and then stayed in his hotel room the day before the hit. Shortly after Anastasia's death, Trafficante attended the Apalachin meeting with Pennsylvania mobster Gabriel Mannarino.451

From 1952 to 1954, Pittsburgh's Mannarino brothers (Samuel and Gabriel) were part-owners, with Trafficante of Havana's San Souci Hotel, managed by Norman "Rough-house" Rothman, a syndicate figure in both Miami and Havana. Rothman co-owned the nearby Tropicana with Meyer and Jake Lansky. The man they hired to be their casino boss was Lewis J. McWillie -- Jack Ruby's friend and idol.452

In 1959 Rothman and Sam Mannarino were arrested in connection with a Canadian bank hiest -- the "biggest burglary in the world," according to the FBI. Two years later, when the CIA decided to approach the Mafia about killing Castro, Rothman, according to the New York Times, was the go-between who contacted Trafficante, Sam Mannarino, and John Roselli.453

Ten years after that, in 1971, Gabriel Mannarino was on trial in federal court in New York along with John Sebastian La Rocca, boss of the Pittsburgh organized crime family. They were charged in connection with a Teamsters-connected kickback scheme. A star witness in their defense was the head of the local CIA.454

Both Mannarino brothers are said to have participated in Syndicate gun-smuggling to Castro in 1958, along with Vito Genovese's son Michael. The Warren Commission mentions Ruby's role as middleman in the sale of jeeps to Cuba and the release of prisoners from a Cuban prison (R 369). But the Commission ignored testimony by Nancy Perrin Rich that she had witnessed Ruby in gunrunning negotiations with her husband, a colonel, a Cuban, and "unless I am very much mistaken...Vito Genovese's son." (14 H 353). Ruby's contact in these ventures (on behalf of "a person in Las Vegas, Nevada") was Robert Ray McKeown, "convicted in February 1958 of conspiracy to smuggle guns to the Castro forces in Cuba (CE 1689, 23 H 159). Ruby himself was linked by Harry Hall to the movement of `contraband' from Florida to Cuba (23 H 363); the same activity has been attributed to Meyer Lansky. Ruby also had numerous high-level contacts in the Teamsters in Miami (Dave Yaras, 22 H 372, cf. 25 H 295), Dallas (Dusty Miller, 25 H 244, 5 H 200), and Chicago (Barny Baker, 25 H 244); and Teamsters Pension Fund finances were said to have played a role in financing the attempted smuggling of planes and arms (perhaps the Mannarino arms) to the Dominican Republic."455

Andrew St. George, the man who may have captured George Wing in his 1961 photograph of E. Howard Hunt's men in Miami, was reportedly heavily involved with two men who were in turn connected to the Mannarino brothers and the Havana Hilton. St. George was named by informed witnesses before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee as one of three Americans who were prominent in Castro's campaign against Batista, along with James Gentry and "gunrunning pilot Frank Fiorini [Sturgis]." Subcommittee Counsel Sourwine described St. George as an American double agent. According to Scott, "...U.S. intelligence agents such as Jules Dubois of Army Intelligence and Andrew St. George were allied with Syndicate figures such as Norman Rothman [the close associate of the Mannarino brothers] in efforts which supported Castro in 1958 but swiftly turned against him [by September 1959]." As mentioned earlier, St. George, after the assassination, had given a false story -- about Castro plots against U.S. ambassadors -- to the Free Cuba Committee, headed by Eladio Del Valle and Loran Eugene Hall. By 1965, St. George was serving as a publicity agent for Manolo Ray, "the engineer in charge of the Havana Hilton, co-conspirator with Dubois against Batista, and personal friend of Sylvia Odio."456

Considering the small world which closely links photographer Andrew St. George to these subjects of missing pages; the Mannarino brothers' proximity to Wing in his home state of Philadelphia; close links yet to be discussed between Del Valle, Loran Hall, a Miami Rambler which sounds identical to Wing's, possible Jules Dubois links to C.B. Smith and the Miami Rambler, apparent ties between McKeown, Smith, and Wing; and the way it all stems from Ruth Paine's mutual friends with the Oswalds (including persons closely tied to UT's oil advisors DeGolyer and MacNaughton) preceding and following the assassination; it seems likely that the man in the St. George photo (which is itself on a missing page) is indeed George Wing.

The Warren Commission avoided the subject of Oswald's initial contact with the Clarks, as did Peter Gregory -- Max Clark's friend. The one man on the Commission's staff who would have easily seen the red flags in a General Dynamics employee introducing Oswald to the CIA connected Russian community in Dallas, was assistant Counsel Albert E. Jenner. Jenner was put in charge of investigating the possibility of a conspiracy in the assassination. He was also Henry Crown's attorney in 1964. Considering this inexcusable conflict of interest, his conclusion comes as no surprise. He wrote that, "Review of Oswald's life and activities since 1959...did not produce any meaningful evidence of a conspiracy...." Nor did the Commission's investigation of Jack Ruby "produce any grounds for believing that Ruby's killing of Oswald was part of a conspiracy" (R 374, emphasis added). Jenner, who carefully chose the Warren Report's wording as one of its key authors, was sitting on the board of directors of General Dynamics by 1970 with his former client Henry Crown. In 1974, Nixon approved the appointment of Mr. Jenner as minority counsel for the House Judiciary's investigation into his impeachment.457

Whatever meaning Jenner gave to his evidence of conspiracy, and whether or not any grounds were produced that would have changed Jenner's beliefs about Ruby's killing of Oswald, the Warren Commission had ample opportunity to investigate the conspiracy both through Mr. and Mrs. Clark, and through Mr. and Mrs. Ford, who seemed to know Lewis MacNaughton's personal accountant, George Bouhe, well enough to know his complaints about having to babysit for Marina Oswald. As Peter Dale Scott tells us, "Mrs. Katya Ford, who after the assassination took Marina into her house and became her business agent, is of the Oswalds' four Russian patrons the only one alleged to be linked to Jack Ruby."458

She and her first husband, Stanley Skotnicki, were listed as persons "supposed to be associates or friends of people that Mr. Ruby knew and associated with closely" (1 H 239, 436). Mrs. de Mohrenschildt told the Commission that Skotnicki "was too anxious to make too much money" (9 H 306). Katya denied knowing Ruby but she and her husband Declan Ford, "an employee of DeGolyer and MacNaughton until October 1962," (about the time Oswald met Ford and moved to Dallas) suggested that a friend and neighbor of theirs, John M. Grizzaffi, did know Ruby (2 H 296, 323). Grizzaffi, who was also a friend of Stanley Skotnicki, may be the reason the Skotnickis made it onto the list of Ruby associates. He may have been "Little Johnny Grissaffi," the hit man hired by mobster Benny Binion to kill his Dallas gambling rival, Herbert Noble, in 1946.459

The importance of the Fords' friend having such a relationship with Binion is that Ruby's idol, Lewis J. McWillie, had worked for Binion and his gambling associates Earl Dalton, Ivy Miller and J.C. Adams, whose name was also found among Ruby's effects. McWillie had worked for Dalton and Miller at a club in Arlington, Texas in the forties. (Arlington is located between Dallas and Fort Worth.) Another Ruby friend, Ralph Paul, had formerly run a bar for J.C. Adams. Paul was a financial backer of Ruby's Carousel Club, and also owned a restaurant in Arlington. In addition to his restaurant, Paul ran an ice cream parlor at the Wynnwood Shopping Center in the Oak Cliff section of Dallas with Ruby's brother Sam. Sam Ruby was in Army Intelligence during World War II. And as discussed earlier, McWillie had been close to the CIA/Mafia plots as Norman Rothman's casino boss at the Tropicana in Havana. Rothman, Trafficante, Roselli, and the Mannarino brothers were among the first CIA contacts in the Castro assassination plots.460

So it appears that Marina Oswald's post assassination hosts, the Fords, were friends and neighbors of a Ruby associate tied to Mafia hits and CIA assassination plots. It is also worth noting that Benny Binion, Ralph Paul, and Lewis McWillie had such a long history in the city of Arlington. As we will see, C.B. Smith not only made a name for himself in Arlington, but may have had links to the ordnance smuggling operations of Ruby, McWillie, and Robert Ray McKeown. Smith served with the Chief of Staff, Army Ordnance, during World War II. George Wing had also been involved in ordnance during World War II in Florida. And as we have seen, Andrew St. George, the man who possibly photographed Wing with E. Howard Hunt's men in Miami, was also allied with Rothman, Frank Sturgis, and Jules Dubois of Army Intelligence, in these same Cuban gunrunning activities. Later we will explore how Jules Dubois may be a key person linking C.B. Smith and a Rambler station wagon to a CIA safehouse in Miami.

It is likely that the Fords' friend, John M. Grizzaffi, was "Little Johnny Grissaffi" and that the Warren Commission knew it. One of Grissaffi's accomplices in the Herb Noble hit was a man named Hollis DeLois Green, who went by the name of Lois Green. He was "...the most desperate, the most depraved thug that ever operated in this section," according to a retired Dallas police captain who was active during the Binion era. Peter Dale Scott noted that, "The Commission went out of its way to hear from Ruby's sister that she did not know Lois Green personally, only by reputation (`The conversation was great about him...he was with the rough element,' 14 H 452-53)." Apparently Ruby himself was never asked about Grizzaffi.461

On February 24, 1964, Marina spent the day at the Declan Ford home with the Fords, two FBI agents, her new attorney, William A. McKenzie, and McKenzie's law partner, Henry Baer. Baer was also the secretary of the Reliance Life and Accident Insurance Company, owned by Maurice Carlson, "a close friend of Richard Nixon." Two directors of Reliance Life were the brothers Bedford and Angus Wynne, of the law firm, Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley (and the Wynnwood Shopping Center). Law partner Morris Jaffe was George de Mohrenschildt's attorney.

The Reliance Life building also housed the Dallas office of the Secret Service. The building was owned by the Great Southwest Corporation (GSW), a real estate investment group based in Arlington. GSW's investors included Dallas oil man Clint Murchison and the Rockefellers. The group owned Arlington's Inn of the Six Flags, where Marina was taken on November 24, 1963 by Peter Gregory and his friend, Mike Howard of the Secret Service. They, along with another Secret Service agent named Charles Kunkel hid her there from all authorities, including the FBI. (The name Kunkel with telephone numbers was found in Ruby's notebook.) Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley, who represented GSW and LTV, were also the Washington oil lobbyists named in connection with the Bobby Baker scandals. Bedford Wynne was the oil pay-off man to Bobby Baker and the Democrats.

Marina's new attorneys who were at the Ford home with her that February day in 1964 had taken over her business affairs a week earlier from James Herbert Martin. This appeared to be a change, but Martin had been employed by GSW as the manager of the Inn of the Six Flags. And Baer and McKenzie had recently left the law firm of GSW (Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley).462

With this background in mind, stemming as it does from the Fords' relationship with Marina, we now turn to Nixon's stay in Dallas from November 20 to 22, 1963. Nixon's odd memory of this trip seems to explain the presence of Baer and McKenzie at the Ford home. It also shows that the Fords may represent, in addition to links between Oswald and Ruby, ominous links between Oswald, Ruby, and Richard Nixon. In fact many things about this trip to Dallas seem to shed light on the subjects discussed in this paper.

Nixon went to Dallas on legal business for Pepsi-Cola (now Pepsico). When Nixon's political career seemed to die after he lost his bid for governor of California in 1962, Pepsi came to his rescue by offering to give their account to the New York law firm of Mudge, Stern if they took Nixon on as a senior partner. According to Peter Dale Scott,

This political favor by Donald Kendall, who became president of Pepsi in September 1963, has been viewed as a quid pro quo: Kendall is said to owe his presidency of Pepsico in part to his success (through the good offices of Richard Nixon) in having Khrushchev pose with a Pepsi bottle at the 1959 American exhibition in Moscow. But Kendall's success can also be attributed to his marriage with the daughter of Admiral Edward Orrick McDonnell, the veteran of Wilson's Vera Cruz expedition and a former director of Pepsi, of Pan Am, and (with Henry Crown and Frank Manheim of Lehman Brothers) of the Hertz Corp.463

Kendall was very involved in Loeb Rhoades, Empire Trust, and General Dynamics investments with close associates of Jack Crichton, Joseph Walker (Air America), Toddie Lee Wynne (cousin of Bedford and director of GSW), and Robert Bernard Anderson.

Anderson, a long-time associate of LBJ and Fort Worth oil man Sid Richardson, had been appointed, in the fifties, to the Special Committee to Investigate Crude Oil Imports, which resulted in mandatory oil import quotas designed by Anderson, LBJ, and Senator Kerr of Oklahoma (of the Kerr-McGee Oil Co., from which George Bush hired a close friend of de Mohrenschildt). Reportedly, Anderson's reward was a phony deal concocted by Richardson in June 1957. In this scheme Anderson would buy oil stock for one dollar, then sell it to Toddie Lee Wynne's Dalada Corp. for $900,000. In September 1963, Richardson's nephew Perry Bass bought Dalada, thus reacquiring the stock for Richardson's estate. Today, Bass is a major financial contributor to the University of Texas at Austin. Anderson's other investment partner, Carl M. Loeb Rhoades, was described by Walter Winchell as LBJ's top financial advisor.464

Anderson was also involved in deals with a man closer to the subject of this paper. According to Scott, "In February 1964 Anderson's World Banking Corp. in the Bahamas brought in the Belgian Banque Lambert, along with Augustin Batista of Loeb-linked former Cuba Trust Company in Havana."465

As we have seen, Augustin Batista was a member, with Jose Aleman, Sr., of the Anson Group, which was closely tied to Second Naval Guerrilla and to Richard Nixon. As we will soon see, Augustin Batista's Cuban Trust Company employed a director of de Mohrenschildt's Cuban oil company -- a company with close ties to William F. Buckley Sr. and possibly to C.B. Smith and a familiar sounding Rambler station wagon in Miami.

Like Anderson, Robert H. Stewart III had financial ties to both LBJ and Nixon. And as a prominent Dallas Republican fund raiser, director of GSW, Braniff and Lone Star Steel (all close to LBJ), president in 1963 of First National Bank, Dallas (FNBD), and future director of Pepsico (1964), and LTV (1970), Stewart, too, had financial ties to the apparent conspiracy to manipulate Marina Oswald's testimony.

On November 15, 1963, Nixon petitioned to join the New York Bar. Then on November 20 he flew, with Donald Kendall in a Pepsi plane, to a bottler's convention in Dallas. Ten months later Pepsi announced plans to build a multi-million dollar plant in Arlington -- thus enhancing the value of GSW. This project must have been related to Pepsi's intended merger with Frito Lay of Dallas (which interlocked with James Ling's Electro-Science Investors).

This merger between Pepsi and Frito Lay was objected to by the Federal Trade Commission in a complaint filed November 19, 1963 -- the day before Nixon flew to Dallas. It was a complaint that must have been of great concern that week to Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley (GSW's law firm), Nixon, (Pepsi's lawyer), Robert H. Stewart (director of GSW and FNBD), and Herman Lay (of Frito Lay and director of FNBD). If these men met that week, the meeting represented links to de Mohrenschildt (through Morris Jaffe), post assassination links to Marina Oswald (through William A. McKenzie and James H. Martin), the Bobby Baker payoffs (through Bedford Wynne and Robert H. Stewart), and CIA/Cuba connections (through Nixon).466

It was Robert H. Stewart who hired George Bush in 1977 (after President Carter replaced him as CIA director) to be director of First International Bankshares, Inc. (FIB, Inc.) of Dallas.467

Bush was also named a director of First International Bankshares, Ltd. (FIB, Ltd.), FIB, Inc.'s London Merchant bank. Another FIB, Ltd. director was W. Dewey Presley, the president and chairman of FIB, Inc.'s executive committee.468 He is also listed in the book Who's Who in CIA (the acronym CIA is used loosely here to mean any intelligence related work). Presley's entry reads:

b.: 26.5.1918;
1939-42 in Magnolia Oil and Pipe Line Companies;
1942-52 Special Agent of FBI; from 1960 Vice President
of First National Bank, Dallas;
OpA [area of operation]: Dallas469

We have already explored the presence of Magnolia Oil around Oswald, Ruth Paine, and Eugene Hale Brading. There is, however, another intriguing individual at FIB with connections to Magnolia, George Bush, and others discussed in this paper. He is J. Rawles Fulgham Jr., president of FIB, Inc. and chairman of FIB, Ltd. Fulgham was identified in a 1982 news report as a director of Dorchester Gas Corp. (see Nexis). Dorchester Gas was the company owned by Jack Alston Crichton, which had D.H. Byrd as a director. It was Crichton who selected his and Ruth Paine's friend, Ilya Mamantov to be Marina's interpreter. And as we have seen, Mamantov was teaching scientific Russian to the Magnolia employees who met the Oswalds at the party discussed earlier.

It will be recalled that one of the three Mamantov students living at the house where the party took place, Volkmar Schmidt, had lived and studied with one of the survivors of the failed plot to assassinate Hitler -- a fact which brings us to another intriguing connection of FIB's president and chairman. Fulgham was identified as a director of Dresser Industries (see Nexis), where Bush's father had been a director and Bush himself got his first job. It is recalled that Dresser is also where Hans Gisevius, another survivor of the Hitler plot, friend of Allen Dulles and Ruth Paine's friend Mary Bancroft, "spent some time in Texas."470

Given all of this, we can perhaps agree with Professor Scott that,

Mr. Nixon should be asked whether his legal efforts helped to block this complaint [against the Pepsi merger with Frito Lay]; and if so, with whom and how he handled it in Dallas. For it was this merger that brought to the Pepsico board Robert H. Stewart III...for fifteen years an acquaintance and backer of James Ling (who [with D.H. Byrd] bought heavily into LTV and Electro-Science Investors in October and November 1963). Robert Stewart and his bank were named in the Bobby Baker Hearings for the $250,000 loan Stewart had advanced to Baker and his friends in 1961, for an insurance stock purchase which looked to many like a political reward.

Stewart, like his "very good friend" Senator John Tower, and Tower's campaign manager Peter O'Donnell, was powerful among the conservative Republicans of Texas....In 1970 he became one of three new directors...of LTV, along with Ling's old backer Troy Post...and William H. Tinsley who by now was the senior partner of Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley.471

Nixon's flurry of activity the week of November 15 to 22, 1963, during which he worked so intently on behalf of his rich and powerful political allies in Dallas, would seem to have been quite memorable to him; and even more so given the fact that the week ended with the world shattering assassination (in that very city) of the man to whom he lost the U.S. presidency three years earlier by the closest margin in American history. After all, even those who were children (including this author) have remembered that day with unusual clarity for their entire lives. But for Kennedy's historic rival, Richard Nixon, that seems not to be the case. Only three months after the assassination, Nixon did not remember that he was in Dallas almost up until the time of the assassination; despite the fact that during this incredible lapse of memory, he did remember being invited to Dallas in April 1963; he did remember that the purpose of that trip "never materialized"; and he did remember not giving any consideration to going (CE 1973, 23 H 831).472 And despite remembering these details, Nixon called his memory of this invitation vague. Most unusual of all is that the story of the invitation was completely false.

Let us review this. Richard Nixon's three month old memory of being in Dallas on the most memorable day in the history of that city; the most memorable day of their lives for most people in the world; and what should have been, for Nixon, the most memorable day of his life, was vague. Yet his ten month old memory of a forgettable invitation to come to Dallas for a forgettable event which never transpired, and about which he gave no consideration, was relatively detailed; even though there had never been any such invitation. And Nixon called his relatively detailed memory of this non-invitation vague.

This raises the question: who was the source of this falsehood? It turns out that it was started on February 19, 1964 by Maurice Carlson of Reliance Life and Accident Insurance (23 H 414, 416); a man described by the FBI as "a close friend of Richard Nixon" (23 H 414). The chairman of Mr. Carlson's insurance company was a man named James H. Bond, who was also with James Ling's Electro-Science Investors (and later with LTV). And we must not forget that the secretary of Mr. Carlson's insurance company was Henry Baer (formerly of the Wynne law firm which represented de Mohrenschildt, LTV, and GSW), the man who was at the Ford home on February 24 with Marina Oswald. The interesting thing about Mr. Baer being there that particular day is that it was the very next day that Maurice Carlson retracted his story about the Nixon invitation to Dallas.473

Joining Carlson in the denial of his own story was Peter O'Donnell, the campaign manager for Robert H. Stewart's "very good friend" Senator John Tower. It is recalled that O'Donnell is also the man who sat on the Cuban Freedom Committee with Oveta Culp Hobby; was president of Harry Ransom friend Karl Hoblitzelle's Foundation; and who was a member of William F. Buckley, Jr.'s National Advisory Council of Young American's for Freedom with Robert Morris. Morris, it is recalled, was Otto Otepka's defense attorney, General Walker's attorney, H.L. Hunt's attorney, a John Bircher, and a Naval intelligence officer.474

Why then would Richard Nixon come along three days after the denial of this story (February 28) and seem to corroborate it with his "vague" yet detailed memory of it? Two days before Carlson's February 19 telling of the false story, Baer and McKenzie replaced Martin as Marina's attorneys. The false story, had it been true, would have corroborated an equally incredible story that Marina was reportedly telling. On the same day Carlson told his story, Robert Oswald said that "Marina had locked Lee Harvey Oswald in the bathroom the entire day" (of Nixon's alleged April visit) to prevent him from going to shoot Nixon (22 H 596). By February 24, it had been established that the bathroom locked from the inside. Marina changed her story that day saying she had held onto the doorknob and braced her feet against the wall for three hours (23 H 511-12). When time came to testify under oath,however, she changed her story again and said she and her husband struggled inside the bathroom (R 188).475

Unless something came along very quickly to back up this bizarre bathroom story, it could have cast doubt on all of Marina's testimony which was essentially all the Commission had to convince the public that Oswald was guilty. And more importantly, if Marina's bathroom story had been proved false, it could have implicated a number of people in its creation; including Henry Baer, William McKenzie, two FBI agents, and the Fords, who were all with her the day her story first changed to accommodate the facts about the door lock. It could have also implicated Carlson who withdrew his invitation story the very next day, and Robert Oswald who first reported Marina's bathroom story. The reason her story was not proved false was because Richard Nixon came to everyone's rescue by "vaguely" remembering the "invitation" on February 28, three days after the whole matter self-destructed.476 Had these people been investigated honestly, it is extremely likely it would have led to the connections discussed in this paper.

There are indications that the Warren Commission came quite close to investigating those very connections. In February 1964, the same month these desperate falsehoods about Nixon were being spread, LTV won the Navy contract to build limited war fighter planes which resulted in huge returns on the insightful investments of James Ling, D.H. Byrd and others in November 1963. Also in February 1964, the Joint Chiefs began calling for "intensified operations against North Vietnam", and Ling was charged with misconduct by the Security and Exchange Commission. And the Warren Commission, on February 24 (the day Marina's story began to change), wrote a memorandum to the CIA raising promising questions about Ruby's links to Lewis J. McWillie, Barney Baker, Thomas Hill of the John Birch Society head office (who was in Ruby's notebook), and "Leopold Ramos Ducos," who with Mike Singer (both subjects of missing pages) was linked to Bobby Baker and the teamsters (CE 2980, 26 H 467-73).477

The fact that these individuals came so close to being investigated yet were not (because of Nixon's vague remembrance), would seem to be reason enough for Richard Nixon to have a good laugh. He laughed all the way to Asia twice in 1964, where he spoke to South Vietnamese officials and Chiang Kai-shek. When he returned in April 1964 he lobbied hard for carrying the war to North Vietnam. His second trip to Taiwan on Pepsi business enabled him to address the National Toilers Alliance-National Alliance of Solidarists (NTS), the Anti-Bolshevik Nations (ABN), and assorted German right-wingers and ex-Nazis at the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League (APACL) -- the colleagues of Oswald's contact Spas T. Raikin.478

As Dr. Scott tells us, the NTS and ABN collaborated closely with the APACL in Taipeh to establish the proposed World Anti-Communist Conference for Freedom and Liberation. "This makes it likely," Scott writes, "that the NTS was also in contact in Texas with the allies of the APACL and through them with the John Birch Society and the supporters of General Walker." Thus, these Nixon/Pepsi intrigues hit close to home when we recall that "Jack Nichols Payton, a friend and campaign-organizer of General Walker, described himself in Commission Exhibit 2094 (24 H 528) as a member of both the John Birch Society and the Austin Anti-Communist League."479 It is also recalled that SNG veteran John Martino, who claimed to have knowledge of the conspiratorial manipulation of Oswald, spoke at a meeting of the Austin Anti-Communist League on October 1, 1963 -- one week after Oswald was in Austin.

Considering these Nixon ties to the Watergaters of Second Naval Guerrilla, Ruth Paine, Jack Ruby, and Lee Harvey Oswald, it no longer seems as much a stretch that the Red Ripper was trying to communicate something important about George Wing's Rambler and the JFK assassination. But could Wing's car be an actual car used by the conspirators? We will next explore some indications that it could. They show that George Wing may have had good reason to pose the question (on his office door and in his anachronistic car) of why Richard Nixon was laughing.

Go to Part Four

Return to Main Page


298. William Weston, "Collaborators of the Conspiracy", The Third Decade, Nov., 1992, pp. 5, 10.

299. Weston, p. 6; Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. 3, p. 249, cited in Weston, p. 10. Note: This is how Truly referred to himself.

300. Dallas Morning News, Nov. 23, 1963, section 4, p. 1.

301. Weston, p. 13.

302. Hunt, The Sixth Floor..., p. 5.

303. Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. 6, pp. 391, 395, 396, cited in Weston, p. 11. Note: It was pointed out in the March 1993 Third Decade (pp. 22-23) that the testimony cited by Weston referring to "lights all went out and phones became dead" has two different interpretations. While that is true, there is ample evidence that commission attorneys altered testimony and chose language very carefully. Weston believes "that the Warren Commission was trying to avoid the subject." In a cover-up, this matter would be a prime target for obfuscation.

304. Weston, p. 11.

305. Alden Hatch, The Byrds of Virginia: An American Dynasty, 1670 to the Present, (NY: Holt Rinehart Winston, 1969.), p. xv; Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 3.

306. Austin American-Statesman, Nov. 15, 1988, p. A5.

307. It is suspicious that this building was set on fire while this bank carried the lien because one of the numerous CIA contacts of Lewis MacNaughton, mentioned earlier, is that he was a director of Republic National Gas and Republic National Bank of Dallas with Karl Hoblitzelle, who set up the CIA-conduit Hoblitzelle Foundation. A theater magnate and Ransom friend, Hoblitzelle donated to UT the core of its theater collection. (Newsweek, Feb. 27, 1967, p. 26, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 6; Frantz, p. 25.)

308. Hunt, The Sixth Floor... p. 5.

309. New York Times, Sept. 22, 1975, p. 36.

310. The esteem Lyndon Johnson held for Senator Harry Byrd of Virginia can be seen in a 1964 photo of Lyndon Johnson kissing his hand "in a gesture of condolence and respect...." (Hatch, The Byrds of Virginia, photograph.) The Nov. 16, 1963 Dallas Morning News mentions Senator Harry Byrd of Virginia, head of the Senate Finance Committee, and his opposition to a proposed Kennedy tax cut of $11 billion, passed by the House, while increasing spending for a proposed deficit increase to $334 billion over the next two-and-a-half years.

311. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 37-40.

312. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 108; Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, (NY: Sheridan Square Press, 1989), pp. 51, 53, 286.

313. The University of Texas at Austin, Permanent Record Card, "de Mohrenschildt, George Serguis."

314. 9 H 202, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp. 32-33; Canfield with Weberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 29. Note: Ilya Mamantov, whom Crichton selected as Marina's interpreter after the assassination, was a friend of de Mohrenschildt and a Sun Oil employee. Mamantov, with his friend Peter Gregory, altered Marina's testimony in order to connect Lee with the alleged murder weapon. (See Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III.)

315. Summers, Conspiracy, pp. 223-25; Epstein, Legend, pp. 175-77, 180-82.

316. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 206; Beyond JFK: The Question of Conspiracy, 90 minutes, Produced by Danny Schechter & Rory O'Connor with Globalvision, Warner Home Video, 1992.

317. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 105; David Nevin. The Texans, (NY: Bonanza, 1968), p. 150. Note: Amazingly Nevin even had a role in the assassination. (See Curtis Prendergast with Geoffrey Colvin, The World of Time Inc., NY: Atheneum, 1986, p.121.)

318. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 53.

319. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 98.

320. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 99, 100.

321. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 101-02.

322. General Jimmy Doolittle co-authored, with Allen Dulles and William Pawley of Flying Tigers fame, the infamous Doolittle Report of 1954 which greatly empowered the CIA. (See Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 45; Ranelagh, The Agency, p. 276.)

323. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 41.

324. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 105-06.

325. A fellow director of LTV was R.B. Gilmore, the president of DeGolyer and MacNaughton, the oil firm mentioned earlier in this paper. (See Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, p. 20.)

326. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 37; Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 68-69.

327. Aviation Week, Jan. 27, 1964, p. 21, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, p. 20. Note: The question is raised of the role in this budget process of D.H. Byrd's cousin Sen. Harry Byrd, head of the Senate Finance Committee.

328. Wilson, Texas Unsolved Mysteries, p. 115. Note: Marshall had been a key figure in the investigation into the cotton allotment dealings of Billie Sol Estes, a scandal implicating Lyndon Johnson. Marshall died from five rifle wounds in what was ruled a suicide. "Wallace was supposedly friendly with the Johnson family to the point of dating Josefa, Lyndon's sister. During his trial, Wallace was represented by John Cofer, the same attorney who had represented Johnson in the famous `Ballot Box 13' voter fraud case in 1948..." (Wilson, Texas Unsolved Mysteries, p. 115.)

329. Captain Peoples reportedly died in a one-car accident in early 1993 after announcing he was going to retire soon and tell all about the Marshall and Kiner murders. (Interview: Mar. 7, 1993, Resident of Franklyn, Texas, site of the Marshall murder, who whishes anonymity.)

330. Wilson, Texas Unsolved Mysteries, p. 123.

331. Wilson, Texas Unsolved Mysteries, p. 118.

332. Craig I. Zirbel, The Texas Connection, (Scottsdale, AZ: The Texas Connection Co., 1991), p. 159, n. 17.

333. "Crichton of Army Reserve Intelligence Service, was the apparent outsider who arranged for Marina Oswald to have the "excessive rightist" Ilya Mamantov as her interpreter." (See Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 37.)

334. Steinberg, Sam Johnson's Boy, pp. 667, 626, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX pp. 20-21.

335. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 3, 96; Peter Collier with David Horowitz, The Rockefellers, (NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1976), p. 193.

336. Ken C. Braband, The First 50 Years: A History of Collins Radio Company and the Collins Divisions of Rockwell International, (Cedar Rapids, IA: Rockwell International, 1983), p.14-15.

337. Braband, The First 50 Years: A History of Collins Radio..., p. 95. Note: Red Bird Airport is twenty-three miles south of Collins' Richardson plant and just over five miles south of Tenth Street and Patton where Officer J.D. Tippit was murdered.

338. Russell interview: May 12, 1992 with Mary Ferrell, FBI report of Mar. 10, 1967, cited in Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, pp. 576, 788 n.42.

339. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 545 n. 33.

340. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 545 n. 33.

341. FBI Field Report No. DL 89-43, Nov. 24, 1963, cited in John R. Craig with Philip A. Rogers, The Man on the Grassy Knoll, (NY: Avon, 1992), pp. 275-76.

342. Craig with Rogers, The Man on the Grassy Knoll, p. 273. Note: It is recalled here that Col. Fletcher Prouty identified his boss, Gen. Edward G. Lansdale, in a photo of these tramps. Lansdale's "big patron" was Walt Rostow, a mutual friend of LBJ and Ransom with Byrd, Burris, CIA asset Karl Hoblitzelle, and Paine family friend Everette deGolyer.

343. Craig with Rogers, The Man on the Grassy Knoll, pp. 116-17.

344. Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, pp. 475-76.

345. Epstein, Legend, pp. 175-77, 183-85.

346. Epstein, Legend, pp. 175-77, 183-85.

347. 12 HSCA 40, 41, cited in Groden with Livingstone. High Treason, pp. 238-39.

348. Interview: Mar. 30, 1991, Evelyn Bartholomew, widow of J.H. Bartholomew. (Note: James Hayes Bartholomew, Sr., was the author's father.)

349. New York Times, Mar. 19, 1963, p. 4; NYT, Apr. 2, 1963, p. 22; NYT, Oct. 25, 1963, p. 14; NYT, Oct. 26, 1963, p. 10.

350. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, p. 30.

351. "Castro Says CIA Uses Raider Ship," New York Times, Nov. 1, 1963, pp. 1, 15; "Alleged CIA Men Talk on Havana TV," NYT, Nov. 3, 1963, p. 40, Nov. 20, 1963, p. 42, Dec. 6, 1963, p. 41; Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 138.

352. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 37.

353. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 48, 103.

354. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 39, with photo of Van Cliburn, age 7, with Byrd's parents and Martha Byrd, Harold's wife.

355. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 78.

356. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 104; The University of Texas at Arlington, "C.B. Smith, Sr., October 24, 1967." Note: Smith and Byrd were also both residents, during their college years, at UT's "Old B Hall" upperclassmen dormitory, a place with strong fraternal ties and traditions which outlasted its fifty-year existence. Smith and Byrd had at least one overlapping year there. (See Frantz, pp. 95-109; Byrd, p. 18, 22.) Both the timing and transaction of the sale of the Rambler from Smith to Wing have implications concerning the JFK assassination and will be explored further in this paper.

357. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107; John Chabot Smith, Alger Hiss: The True Story, (NY: Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1976), p. 143n.

358. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, pp. 105-06.

359. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 149.

360. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107.

361. Hinkle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 170.

362. Those planners were Richard Bissell, Tracy Barnes, Charles Cabell, and Allen Dulles. On the eve of the invasion, Kennedy asked one man to look over the plan for final approval: Walt Rostow, the close friend of Bissell, Cabell and Dulles.

363. Gaeton Fonzi, statement made at the Second Research Conference of The Third Decade, Jun., 20, 1993.

364. Lane, Plausible Denial, pp. 295-301

365. R.H.S. Crossman, "Apocalypse at Dresden," Esquire, Nov. 1963, p. 149.

366. Crossman, p. 149-50. Note: In 1953, Allen Dulles succeeded Walter Bedell Smith as CIA director. (Collier with Horowitz, The Rockefellers, p. 271.)

367. Crossman, p. 149.

368. Rostow, Memo on Area Bombing, 1943.

369. Rostow, Pre-Invasion Bombing Strategy, p. 70.

370. Rostow, Memo on Area Bombing, 1943.

371. Crossman, p. 150.

372. CD 59, cited in Canfield with Weberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 104.

373. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, pp. 104-05.

374. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 106; Austin American-Statesman, Oct. 2, 1963, p. 29.

375. CD 657; New York Times, Sept. 27 and Oct. 22, 1960, Mar. 11 and 12, 1961, cited in Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 106.

376. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107.

377. John Chabot Smith, Alger Hiss: The True Story, (NY: Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1976), p. 143n.

378. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107.

379. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr., p. 130.

380. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 143.

381. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr., pp. 215-16.

382. Bancroft, Autobiography..., pp. 185-86.

383. Link, Woodrow Wilson, pp. 16-17.

384. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr., p. 22.

385. Frantz, The Forty Acre Follies, pp. 97-100.

386. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, pp. 168-173.

387. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

388. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

389. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, pp. 161, 169-70.

390. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 172.

391. Curtis Prendergast with Geoffrey Colvin, The World of Time Inc., (NY: Atheneum, 1986), p. 125; Richard B. Stolley, "Four Days in Dallas: 25 Years Later," Columbia [University] magazine, Oct. 1988, p. 58.

392. Peter Wyden, Bay of Pigs, (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1979), pp. 84-86.

393. Summers, Conspiracy, pp. 449-50. Note: Loran Eugene Hall and Santos Trafficante had been in jail at the same time in Cuba and were released together in July 1959. In 1963 Hall was working with Eladio del Valle's Committee to Free Cuba. Del Valle had been a smuggling partner of Trafficante and was also a close friend and associate of David Ferrie. (See Summers, Conspiracy, p. 346; Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 197; Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 230.)

394. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

395. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

396. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 160; Wolfe, The Murchisons, pp. 172-73; Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 11.

397. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 160; Interview: C. Osmet Moody by David G. Armstrong, Mar. 23, 1992.

398. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, pp. 160-61.

399. David E. Scheim, Contract on America, (NY: Shapolsky, 1988), p. 130. Note: One of Ruby's visits was right after the midnight press conference where Ruby corrected Dallas D.A. Henry Wade's apparent mistake that Oswald was a member of the Free Cuba Committee. Aside from the fact that Ruby knew it was the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, the Committee to Free Cuba was headed by David Ferrie's close friend Eladio del Valle. (See Scheim, p. 126; Summers, Conspiracy, p. 346; Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 197; Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 230.)

400. CE 1322, p. 730; 5 H 188, cited in Scheim, Contract on America, p. 424, n. 66; Increase Records INCM-2007: Cruisin' 1962, long-play recording "Featuring Russ `Weird Beard' Knight KLIF Dallas, Texas," 1984. Note: McLendon was later named by Marcello associate D' Alton Smith as someone lined up to assist the Mob's spring-Hoffa campaign (Scheim, Contract on America, p. 424, n. 66).

401. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 173.

402. Claasen interview with Earl Golz of The Dallas Morning News, 1978, cited in Summers, Conspiracy, pp. 451-52.

403. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 148.

404. Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 256.

405. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 148.

406. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 148-49; Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 10.

407. Tad Szulc, Compulsive Spy: The Strange Career of E. Howard Hunt, (NY: Viking, 1974), pp. 96-97, Church Committee, Alleged Assassination Plots, p. 89-90, cited in Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 10-11, 52, n. 18.

408. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 12, 15, 17, 18.

409. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 17-18.

410. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 17-18.

411. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 11-12.

412. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 11.

413. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 11, 20.

414. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 13-14.

415. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 13-14.

416. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 14, 56, n. 52a; Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IV, p. 10.

417. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 224; Epstein, Legend, p. 179.

418. Peter Collier with David Horowitz, The Rockefellers, (NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1976), pp. 193, 408, 414.

419. Collier with Horowitz, The Rockefellers, p. 271-72; Pete Brewton, The Mafia, CIA & George Bush, (NY: S.P.I. Books, 1992), p. 101.

420. Brewton, The Mafia, CIA & George Bush, p. 101.

421. The University of Texas at Austin College of Communication, Ceremony To Name The Communication Complex The Jesse H. Jones Communication Center, Program, April 30, 1982.

422. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 7, ch. VIII, p. 15-16; Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 14-16, 53, n. 33-34.

423. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 138.

424. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 139.

425. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 141.

426. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. II, pp. 21-22.

427. Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, pp. 191, 321; Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr., p. 188.

428. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IV, p. 18.

429. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, p. 5.

430. Collier with Horowitz, The Rockefellers, p. 272-73.

431. Ranelagh, The Agency, p. 280; William R. Corson, The Armies of Ignorance, (NY: Dial, 1977), pp. 372-73, 382n.

432. Amos A. Jordan with William J. Taylor and Lawrence J. Korb, American National Security: Policy and Process, (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, third ed., 1989) p. 141.

433. Paul Brancato, Coup d'état: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy, illustrated cards, (Forestville, CA: Eclipse, 1990), p. 25; Austin American-Stateman, Sept. 1989; Linda Latham Welch, "A Towering Task," Austin American-Stateman, Sept. 3, 1992, "Neighbor" Section; Land and Baker: Corson, The Armies of Ignorance, p. 373.

434. Ranelagh, The Agency, p. 280.

435. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 12-13.

436. Anson, They've Killed the President, pp. 255-56.

437. Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 256.

438. Bernard Fensterwald Jr., Coincidence or Conspiracy?, (NY: Zebra, 1977), pp. 511-13; Canfield with Weberman, Coup d'état in America, pp. 56-57, 74, 76.

439. Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, p. 63.

440. 2 H 304, cited in Scott, Government Documents..., ch. II, p. 3.

441. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IV, p. 3.

442. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 10-11.

443. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. II, p. 4.

444. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 17.

445. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 22 n.

446. CE 3116, 26 H 760, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 1-2.

447. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. III, pp. 20, 21.

448. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, p. 18.

449. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 3, 4, 5, 44, 45. Note: Scott suggests that Gilpatric and Korth, along with the former assistant Navy secretary for installations and logistics (under Connally), Ken BeLieu, should have been questioned about the contracts for installing sophisticated electronics aboard the Collins Radio ship Rex and another ship, the Maddox, of Tonkin Gulf infamy. (see Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. XI, pp. 30-31)

450. Ovid Demaris, Captive City, p. 230, Kenneth Lamott, The Moneymakers, (Boston, MA: Little Brown, 1969), p. 65, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, p. 17.

451. Hank Messick, Lansky, p. 212, Ed Reid, The Grim Reapers, p. 94, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp. 24, 25, 26.

452. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp. 25, 28; Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 309.

453. Anson, They've Killed the President, pp. 299, 309.

454. Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 296.

455. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp. 25, 28.

456. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, p. 35, ch. VII, p. 4; Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 138, 141.

457. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, pp. 25, 26; Fensterwald, Coincidence or Conspiracy?, pp. 549-50.

458. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 7, 8.

459. Ed Reid with Ovid Demaris, The Green Felt Jungle, (NY: Trident Press, 1963), p. 191, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 8; moved to Dallas: Scott, ch. IX, p. 20.

460. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. V, pp. 24-27, ch. VI, p. 25; Anson, They've Killed the President, pp. 299, 309.

461. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. V, pp. 26, 27; Reid with Demaris, The Green Felt Jungle, (NY: Pocket Books, 1964), p. 158.

462. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 3-6, 7, 21, 30, ch. IX, pp. 23, 27, ch. X, pp. 16-21.

463. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 11.

464. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, pp. 10-33.

465. New York Times, Feb., 9, 1964, 111, 6, cited in Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 13.

466. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, pp. 13-15, 21.

467. Wall Street Journal, Feb. 23, 1977.

468. FIB, Inc. Annual Reports, 1977-79.

469. Julius Mader, Who's Who in CIA, (Berlin: Self-published, 1968), p. 420.

470. FIB, Inc. Annual Reports, 1977-79.

471. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 15.

472. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 16.

473. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, pp. 16-17.

474. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. II, pp. 21-22.

475 . Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 18.

476. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 20.

477. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 18, 19.

478. New York Times, Apr. 17, 1964, p. 1, Apr. 19, 1964, p. 82, cited in Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 13.

479. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 15.

* * *