DATABITZ 2 January 27, 1996 by Martin Shackelford

Triangle of Fire by Bob Goodman

Harold Norman confirms to Goodman that he heard shells hitting the floor.(p. 77) The Dal-Tex Building: p. 87: discussion of the tenants of the building p. 215: man with horn-rimmed glasses (photos pp. 212-213) arrested in Dal-Tex tells Goodman his attorney has advised him not to discuss the matter. p. 216: Jim Braden may have visited Dallas Uranium and Oil rather than looking for a pay phone, as he was upstairs. DU&O was located on the west side of Dal-Tex, behind the fire-escape (the window from which a rifle allegedly protrudes?) pp. 216-217: There were no corporate records of Dallas Uranium & Oil; Texas Secretary of State only listed Morty Freedman Inc., which shared a phone number with Dallas Uranium & Oil, and with Marilyn Belt Mfg. (directory page, p. 243). DU&O may have been a dummy corporation. p. 217: Dallas area people in the uranium business were few, and included Nelson Bunker Hunt and Morris Jaffe, the latter a close friend of LBJ. Some believed he owned the Dal-Tex Building. p. 218: Jaffe benefited from decisions made by the Atomic Energy Commission under chairman John McCone, successor to Dulles as CIA chief. Jaffe took over the bankrupt Billy Sol Estes estate. Jaffe and H.L. Hunt worked together for LBJ in 1960 at the Los Angeles convention. A reporter described Jaffe as the "money man...the brains...the trouble-shooter...and smart beyond imagination."(Jules Archer) The Cover-Up: pp. 91-92: Goodman reports that the widow of a retired Air Force Intelligence man told him her husband had been offered a job in 1974 in Dallas writing disinformation about the JFK assassina- tion along with a few other people. The group included a lady from Dallas, a friend of theirs, and two others. All were civilians. The lady worked for a Dallas law firm. Oil money paid the tab. p. 94: The disinformation layers were: Communists/Russia, Castro/Cuba, The C.I.A., and the Mafia. p. 98: Goodman refers to the Dallas group as "the disinformation society," and notes areas of research with which they won't cooperate: Dal-Tex, H.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison, Gen. Charles Cabell, the Del Charro Hotel, Dallas Citizens' Council. (all neglected areas of research in the mainstream community; the exceptions include Penn Jones and Anthony Summers). p. 100: JFK eliminated funding for the White Russian Solidarists, many of whom in the Dallas area were associated with the oil industry. Oswald's Wallet: p. 96: Although Oswald's wallet was seized by police, Goodman notes Oswald left his wallet and money with Marina at the Paine home that morning. (He may have had two wallets, or have left the money but not the wallet). James Worrell: p. 121: hearing 4 shots, seeing a man leave the rear of the Depository. p. 122: the man was about 5'7" to 5'10", 155-165 lbs., dark hair, dark sports coat, not carrying anything. p. 123: died in a "car-motorcycle accident" on Nov. 9, 1966; found lying in a ditch; friends reported James' motorcycle was parked on the kickstand, and the motor was still running when he was found. Ed Hoffman: p. 127: usually described as shy, Hoffman allegedly approached Goodman and identified himself as an eyewitness. p. 130: Goodman's photos give a good indication that Hoffman could have seen what he has reported seeing from his location on Stemmons. The Oil Industry: pp. 138-139: notes Garrison's reports of an oil industry man who was familiar with Guy Banister's part of the Garrison probe before it was publicized, and offered Garrison a federal judgeship to drop the JFK investigation. Goodman suggests the story may be true, but that Garrison may have made a deal to simply change the focus of the investigation from the oil industry to the CIA. Edwin Walker: p. 155: Robert Surrey's comment (Walker aide) to the Dallas Times-Herald on Nov. 24, 1963 that "through official sources, we had traced that man who shot at the general to California." Walker pushed for the assassination investigations to be all held in Dallas. p. 155-6: Walker's associate Billy James Hargis (Feb. 1963 nationwide crusade). p. 158: Carlos Bringuier spoke in a lecture series sponsored by Hargis. H.L. Hunt: p. 167: Hunt:"Everything I do, I do for a profit." Organizing support for LBJ in 1960."Patriotism is always profitable." p. 168: mailed out 102,000 of an anti-Catholic sermon by W.A. Criswell, pastor of his church, during the 1960 campaign. Hunt proposed another member of the First Baptist Church of Dallas, Billy Graham, as a 1964 presidential candidate, but Graham declined the idea. p. 169: DPD Lt. George Butler sponsored a talk by Hunt to the Dallas Police Association at the Baker Hotel, shortly before the Bay of Pigs invasion. Butler also provided police security for Hunt. Butler offered a local newspaper editor a printing job for the KKK, to which he said half the Dallas Police belonged. p. 170: Walker aide Robert Surrey had the financial backing of Hunt's companies. p. 171: Hunt hated black people and the civil rights movement. p. 172: Hunt stated JFK was a traitor and should be shot. Craig Zirbel reports Hunt admitting prior knowledge of a conspiracy to assassinate JFK. The Hyatt Regency at Reunion, where the first three ASK conferences were held, was owned by the Hunt family. p. 173: Hunt blamed the assassinations of JFK & MLK on communist plots. Clint Murchison: p. 185: In 1951, Murchison and H.L. Hunt organized the pro-MacArthur campaign in Texas, bringing the general to Texas for a speaking tour. The three were photographed together in front of the Alamo. p. 186: D.H. Byrd, owner of the Texas School Book Depository, was one of the Del Charro crowd who regularly stayed at Murchison's exclu- sive La Jolla, California hotel. Oilman Byrd was a co-founder of the Civil Air Patrol. Bobby Baker received money from a Murchison company, the Haitian American Company. [Note DeMohrenschildt's Texas and Haitian connections]. Baker associate Thomas D. Webb Jr. represented the Murchison interests in Washington. pp. 186-187: Also implicated in the Baker scandal were an admiral, a general, and a NASA executive, and the representative of a major Texas defense contractor, unnamed by LIFE. p. 187: Murchison-owned publisher Holt, RInehart and Winston (publisher of Rush to Judgement, whose index doesn't include Murchison, Judge Joe B. Brown or DeMohrenschildt) offered Judge Joe B. Brown a lucrative book contract and an all-expenses paid trip to Del Charro during the Jack Ruby trial (July 21, 1964). He received a $10,000 advance for a book that was never published. The trip was paid for directly by the Murchisons. The publisher paid for his trip to New York City. This gave Murchison access to the manuscript. p. 188: Murchison and Thomas Webb knew Ruby; DeMohrenschildt knew Murch- ison and worked for one of his companies. The Vito Genovese Mafia family owned 20% of the Murchison Oil Lease Company in the early 1950's. From 1955-1965, Murchison's business were the subject of Federal probes. pp. 188-189: Murchison owned the Del Mar race track, which employed Sirhan Sirhan, and where J. Edgar Hoover often attended. p. 189: Hoover recommended that Murchison hire Thomas D. Webb Jr., a 17 year FBI veteran and one of Hoover's administrative assistants. Murchison:"Money is like manure. If you spread it around, it does a lot of good." Murchison tried to drive Ross Perot's computer company out of business. p. 190: Perot's wealth wasn't based in oil, he was an equal opportunity employer, and he never applied to join the Dallas Citizens Council. p. 199: Murchison funded the anti-Semitic press, and Lincoln Rockwell's Nazis. Earwitnesses: p. 201: Goodman talked with people who heard, but didn't see, the assassination. Shots sounded like a string of loud firecrackers; or "Baboom...boom-ba-boom....boom-ba-boom-boom"; more than 3 shots. One witness thought he was hearing a shootout, with Secret Service firing back.